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The Handbook on Governance Statistics, developed by the Praia Group, establishes a framework for measuring governance through eight dimensions: non-discrimination and equality, participation, openness, access to and quality of justice, responsiveness, absence of corruption, trust, and safety and security. It emphasizes a Human Rights-Based Approach to Data (HRBAD) and advocates for the use of triangulated data sources, including administrative records, household surveys, and expert assessments. The document provides specific recommended indicators, many aligned with SDG 16, and offers technical guidance on mitigating biases in subjective measurements of trust, responsiveness, and corruption.

The document argues that government behavior, rather than just structural factors, determines the risk of civil conflict. It distinguishes between 'sins of omission'—the failure to provide political goods and protect property rights—and 'sins of commission'—the use of patronage politics to co-opt opponents. The author finds that while patronage and corruption generally increase conflict risk, they can actually enhance regime resilience in oil-rich states by bribing potential rebels. Additionally, the research highlights that single-party authoritarian regimes are more resilient to armed conflict than military or multi-party autocracies. In Nigeria, the study finds that non-state conflict is driven by political and economic competition for state patronage rather than ethnic or religious animosity.

The document analyzes the US-Taliban peace process leading up to the 2021 takeover of Kabul, arguing that the US prioritized its own military disengagement over the survival of the Afghan government it helped create. By excluding the Afghan government from direct negotiations and making commitments on its behalf, the US undermined the legitimacy and leverage of the republican state, paving the way for the Taliban's return to power.

The document analyzes Norway's involvement in Afghanistan, noting that while the initial 2001 justification was based on the NATO Article 5 security guarantee, the official rationale shifted over a decade toward preventing terrorism and promoting international solidarity. Norway's approach was characterized by a strict separation of military and civilian efforts, exemplified by the 'Norwegian Model' in the Faryab Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT), where military commanders had no authority over aid allocation. Despite this, the engagement strained military resources and faced domestic skepticism, with some of the public believing participation increased the risk of terror attacks. The paper concludes that alliance dependence remained the primary driver of the engagement, even as the government rhetorically emphasized peacebuilding and state-building.

The report identifies ten common areas for comparing the mediation strategies of Qatar and Norway, highlighting differences in their identities, the role of civil society, and regional engagement, while noting shared dependencies on the United States and the use of financial resources to cultivate soft power.

The document examines the complex geopolitical landscape of the Middle East through a series of expert perspectives. Key themes include the failure of Western 'exceptionalism' in diplomacy, the systemic human rights abuses in countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and the critical role of water scarcity as a driver of intra-state conflict. It provides detailed analysis of the 'bottom-up' stabilization efforts in Iraq via local ceasefires, the strategic threat of Iranian nuclear proliferation, and the use of public diplomacy by non-state actors like Hizbollah. Additionally, it addresses the stalled peace process between Israel and Palestine and the specific challenges of the Cyprus division.

The report examines the 'post-Annan generation' of students in Cyprus, comparing the attitudes of 332 Greek Cypriots and 232 Turkish Cypriots. It finds that Turkish Cypriot students are generally more open to reconciliation and a federal solution, crossing checkpoints more frequently for leisure and shopping. In contrast, Greek Cypriot students are more hesitant to cross, often citing personal conviction or emotional reasons, and are more likely to be undecided or opposed to a potential referendum on a solution. The study establishes a statistically significant link between the quantity of inter-group contact and more reconciliatory political stances, particularly for Greek Cypriots. It also notes that political ideology, specifically a left-wing orientation, correlates with pro-solution attitudes on both sides.

The document analyzes the role of the Assembly of Civil Society (ASC) in the Guatemalan peace process (1990–1996). While the ASC successfully influenced agreements on indigenous rights, it was marginalized during sensitive negotiations on the Truth Commission to avoid derailing the peace process. The author argues that this illustrates a conflict between process-related norms (inclusivity) and the paramount goal of stopping violence, suggesting that international support should shift toward empowering civil society during the implementation phase of peace agreements.

The authors contend that African urbanization is a demographic megatrend that reshapes politics in diverse, context-specific ways. They reject a uniform 'urban effect,' proposing instead that political changes—such as shifts in citizen preferences, elite incentives, and forms of mobilization—are the direct result of territorially-situated power struggles and the specific social relations produced within built environments. The paper examines six domains: citizen preferences, elite interests, political mobilization, gender roles, civil society, and contentious collective action, highlighting how these are mediated by the unique histories and physical characteristics of different urban places.

The research examines the framing of gender in P/CVE policies from 2001 to 2017, identifying a dichotomy between a transformative approach to preventing women's radicalization and a traditionalist approach that instrumentalizes women's domestic roles as security assets. It finds that while women are heavily scrutinized as either victims or preventers, men's gendered roles are largely assumed and less analyzed, and there is a significant policy gap regarding far-right extremism in the global North.

The review finds strong empirical support for the argument that high levels of group-based economic and political deprivation increase the likelihood of armed conflict, particularly when combined with political exclusion. While economic deprivation is a consistent driver, the role of relative privilege is less clear. The authors highlight significant knowledge gaps regarding social horizontal inequalities, within-group inequality, and the mediating role of perceptions. Methodologically, the paper notes challenges with data quality and endogeneity, suggesting that while the inequality-conflict relationship generally holds under instrumental variable analysis, more granular, individual-level, and non-ethnic group studies are required.

The document argues that AI can strengthen the information basis for peace-building by enhancing conflict data collection, improving the accuracy of conflict forecasting, and supporting scenario modelling for anticipatory action. While acknowledging risks such as surveillance and disinformation, the author suggests that AI tools—including large language models and satellite imagery analysis—can help humanitarian actors and governments better anticipate and mitigate the impacts of armed conflict.

The document analyzes the 'East Asian Peace', a significant reduction in battle deaths in East Asia between 1980 and 2005 compared to the 1946–1979 period. The author argues that this peace was not the result of a single event but a series of staggered political transitions across the region. Key drivers identified include a shift in leadership priorities toward export-driven economic growth and a strategic alignment with the United States. The paper contrasts this with the 'European Peace', noting that the East Asian case does not fit the liberal peace model due to a lack of widespread democratization and political integration.

The research paper examines the psychological mechanisms through which political violence fuels intergroup conflict, focusing on the distinction between selective and indiscriminate violence. Using panel surveys and endorsement experiments in Nairobi and Mombasa during the 2017 Kenyan elections, the authors test the 'cognitive perspective' of group identification. They find that indiscriminate violence—attacks that target populations regardless of individual guilt—induces fear of future victimization, which subsequently increases prejudice and support for social segregation. These effects were statistically significant among Christian respondents, while results for Muslim respondents were less clear due to smaller sample sizes and different dynamics, such as fear of state retribution following Islamist attacks.

The authors argue that while digital technologies offer opportunities for efficiency in crisis response, they are not neutral and can compromise core humanitarian principles. The paper identifies five analytical prisms for future research: the politics of humanitarian space, the rise of public-private partnerships, new methods of aid distribution (such as e-transfers), the reorganization of relationships between aid providers and recipients, and the emergence of new data-driven vulnerabilities. It concludes that the 'do no harm' imperative requires a more reflective approach to technology to ensure that digital divides do not marginalize the most vulnerable and that data collection does not create new security risks.

The research examines the transition of 'duty of care' from an internal NGO management norm to a legally enforceable liability, using the case of Steven Patrick Dennis v. the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) as a primary example. The Oslo District Court found the NRC grossly negligent following the 2012 kidnapping of staff in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya, ruling that the organization must adhere to the same due care standards as any other employer, regardless of the humanitarian context.

The report argues that countering disinformation requires a shift from merely correcting false claims to building holistic societal resilience. It analyzes the 'psychological defence' model, specifically the Swedish Psychological Defence Agency (MPF), and evaluates Norwegian and European approaches. Key findings suggest that while Norway has high institutional trust, it lacks the centralized coordination seen in Sweden. The authors recommend that Norway strengthen national coordination, clarify conceptual terminology to avoid 'militarizing' social issues, and prioritize strategic, transparent communication to maintain public trust outside of crisis periods.

The document details the collaboration between IDSA and PRIO, focusing on India's perspectives on food security, nuclear governance, and climate change. It highlights India's pursuit of nuclear energy capacity, its adherence to the CBDR-RC principle in climate negotiations, and the internal challenges of food insecurity and insurgencies.

The authors use geo-coded data from 31 federal states to argue that both relatively rich and relatively poor regions are more prone to secessionist conflict than those with average wealth. The study also finds that the presence of politically excluded ethnic groups and the existence of regional autonomy further elevate the risk of violent secessionist conflict.

The author examines the 'quantitative-qualitative mismatch' in conflict studies, where large-N statistical analyses often find no link between income inequality and violence, while case studies suggest a strong connection. The paper posits that political violence is a group phenomenon and therefore driven by horizontal inequalities (HIs)—systematic disparities between ethnic, religious, or regional groups—rather than vertical inequalities (VI) between individuals. The author proposes a theoretical framework where HIs create both motives (grievances) and opportunities (resources and cohesion) for mobilization. The review concludes that while measuring HIs is challenging, evidence from survey-based data and disaggregated studies supports the link between HIs and various forms of political violence, including civil war and urban disorder.