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The report projects that Africa's total energy demand will rise from 4.589 BBOE in 2023 to 10.26 BBOE by 2043, driven by population growth and development needs. It highlights significant current disparities in per capita energy use across African nations and compares these figures to the United States and India.

The document lists the top five African countries possessing 90% of Africa's proven coal reserves, with South Africa holding the largest share.

The document outlines the state of nuclear energy in Africa, noting that while South Africa is the only country with a commercial plant, Egypt is constructing a large-scale facility and several other nations are exploring the option. It highlights the potential role of small modular reactors (SMRs) in balancing grids with renewable energy.

Africa possesses the world's highest untapped hydropower potential, yet only 11% of this capacity is currently installed. While large-scale projects like the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and the Julius Nyerere Hydropower Plant are advancing, growth is hindered by the need for extensive transmission networks in unstable regions and institutional failures. By 2043, hydropower is forecast to contribute 5.3% of the continent's energy production.

The report projects that Africa's carbon emissions from fossil fuels will increase on its current development trajectory, eventually surpassing those of the EU, USA, India, and China by 2061 to become the world's major source of such emissions.

The report analyzes global and African energy trends, forecasting a significant increase in energy demand driven by population growth. It details the slow decline of fossil fuels and predicts specific transition points where renewables and gas will overtake other energy sources in both global and African contexts.

The document reports that Africa holds 111.4 billion barrels of oil equivalent (BBOE) in proven oil reserves, representing 5% of the global total. Five countries—Libya, Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, and Angola—account for 80% of these reserves.

The report analyses the 'memory wars' in Ethiopia, where political elites use 'invented traditions' and memorialisation to advance competing ideological agendas. It identifies three primary approaches to collective memory: the rejectionist approach, which seeks to deconstruct the 'great tradition' of the Ethiopian state; the revivalist approach, which seeks to restore it; and the moderationist approach, which attempts a selective balance. These approaches operate across four layers of tradition: the pre-1991 great tradition, the post-1991 federal vernacular tradition, regional traditions, and local-level traditions. The author argues that the contradictions between these approaches and the lack of a negotiated, shared collective memory have reinforced political instability and armed conflict.

The document assesses the vulnerabilities of Africa's Agenda 2063 framework to escalating climate change, noting that the original 2015 plan relied heavily on fossil fuel assets now at risk of becoming stranded. It highlights a significant 'adaptation deficit' and an economic impact where climate change reduces GDP per capita growth by 5% to 15%. The brief warns that achieving Agenda 2063 goals could release an additional 297 million tons of carbon by 2043, potentially increasing Africa's share of global emissions to 12%. It provides specific recommendations for national governments, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and the African Union to pivot toward climate-resilient agriculture, renewable energy, and coordinated transboundary water and mobility strategies.

The report details the southward expansion of JNIM into Mali's Kayes and Koulikoro regions, where the group has significantly increased violence and fatalities since 2021. JNIM leverages illicit activities—including zakat taxation, cattle rustling, and the control of timber logging in the Baoulé forest—to fund its operations and gain local influence. The group further exploits social cleavages, such as farmer-herder conflicts and the persistence of hereditary slavery, to recruit members and undermine state authority. While the Malian government and its Wagner partners have made gains elsewhere, security forces in the south are described as overstretched and under-resourced, with varying levels of community trust.

The document analyzes the 'epidemic' of military takeovers in Africa, identifying governance dysfunction, democratic decline, civil-military tensions, and Islamist insurgencies as primary drivers. It argues that the African Union (AU) and regional economic communities (RECs) have relied on reactive, inconsistent, and ineffective blanket sanctions that fail to deter coup plotters. The author recommends a shift toward prevention, targeted sanctions, and the strengthening of civil-military relations and democratic legitimacy.

The report finds that despite robust anti-money laundering policies, there are few financial investigations into migrant smuggling in Senegal and Sierra Leone due to resource gaps and the prevalence of cash-based, informal financial systems. Smugglers utilize 'pay-as-you-go' and 'full-package' models, moving funds through hawala systems and foreign currency black markets to avoid detection. Illicit proceeds are frequently laundered through real estate, the hospitality industry, and faith-based organisations. The study highlights significant institutional challenges, including underfunded Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs), a lack of beneficial ownership registries in Senegal, and corruption within law enforcement in Sierra Leone.

The report finds that despite having anti-money laundering and anti-smuggling laws, Senegal and Sierra Leone struggle to investigate the financial trails of migrant smugglers. This is due to a reliance on cash and informal payment systems like hawala, under-resourced financial intelligence units, and corruption within law enforcement. Smugglers often integrate their profits into the formal economy through real estate, travel agencies, and the hospitality sector.

The report finds that despite robust anti-money laundering policies, there are few criminal investigations into the financial proceeds of migrant smuggling in Senegal and Sierra Leone. Smugglers rely heavily on cash and informal transfer systems like hawala to move funds, which are then laundered through real estate, used car imports, and hospitality businesses. Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs) in both countries are underfunded and lack the specialized capacity to 'follow the money,' while corruption and a lack of witness cooperation further hinder prosecutions.

The report assesses the impact of EU migration interventions in the Sahel, specifically in Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso. It finds that the EU's focus on deterring northbound migration to Europe through border reinforcement and funding-based policies has prioritised security over human protection, undermined regional free movement, and ignored a massive internal displacement crisis. The author recommends a shift toward area-based assistance and a strategic recalibration that prioritises the needs of displaced persons over the goal of curbing irregular arrivals in Europe.

The report examines Algeria's agricultural stagnation, highlighting low productivity, heavy reliance on food imports, and severe water stress. It details how climate change—manifesting as rising temperatures, reduced rainfall, and sea-level rise—threatens food security and regional stability. The document argues that intensification and the removal of unsustainable water and energy subsidies are necessary to improve efficiency and transition toward cleaner energy.

The report simulates the 'Algerian Dream' scenario for Algeria by 2040, projecting significant economic growth, reduced poverty, and improved food security compared to a 'Current Path'. Key outcomes include a larger economy, lower import dependence for food, and a reduced informal sector driven by diversification away from hydrocarbons and improved governance.

The report identifies poor governance, hydrocarbon dependence, and an unsustainable subsidy system as primary barriers to Algeria's growth. It projects a modest GDP growth rate of 1.8% between 2020 and 2040 under the 'Current Path' but proposes an 'Algerian Dream' scenario based on four reform pillars: improved governance, economic transformation, investment in the knowledge economy, and a transition to sustainable agriculture and renewable energy.

Algeria's economy is characterized by a heavy reliance on oil and gas, which account for nearly 30% of GDP and over 85% of exports. This dependence, combined with a closed, state-controlled economic model and a large informal sector—estimated to involve 57% of the population—has led to stagnating per capita income and vulnerability to global energy transitions. While the government has introduced a new hydrocarbon law to attract investment and shifted focus toward shale gas, the report argues that true growth requires restructuring the economy to protect non-hydrocarbon sectors and integrating the informal economy into the formal sector.

The Horn of Africa faces severe challenges including governance failure, chronic food insecurity, and high poverty rates, with no countries on track to eliminate extreme poverty by 2030. The region is characterized by a very young population and high dependence on rain-fed agriculture, which is increasingly threatened by climate change and conflict. While Ethiopia and Sudan dominate the regional GDP, most nations suffer from poor infrastructure and dysfunctional health and education systems. The report models an 'Integrated Development Push' scenario involving improvements in governance, agriculture, and human capital, which could significantly increase regional GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2040.