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The document examines national investment laws as versatile policy instruments, tracing their shift from national development tools (1950-1979) to mechanisms for incorporating international treaty standards (1980-2010). It identifies seven primary functions of contemporary investment laws: regulating admission, administering incentives, facilitating investment, providing legal protection, managing disputes, specifying investor obligations, and supervising investments. The report argues against a 'one-size-fits-all' model, suggesting instead that laws be designed based on a country's specific policy objectives and regulatory capacity. It provides a detailed framework for policymakers to evaluate existing laws and design new ones, emphasizing the need to reduce legal risks associated with investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) and inefficient tax incentives.

The Climate Action Tracker finds that the world's largest fossil fuel producers have not committed to ending new investments in oil and gas, and many governments continue to provide fossil fuel subsidies. The briefing argues that COP28 must prioritize a phase-out of oil and gas production and set an ambitious global renewable energy target exceeding 1 TW of added capacity per year, while avoiding distractions such as carbon capture and storage (CCS) and co-firing technologies.

The Allied for Climate Transformation by 2025 (ACT2025) consortium calls for COP28 to accelerate climate action through four primary pillars: advancing ambition to limit warming to 1.5 degrees C, scaling up people-centered adaptation, operationalizing loss and damage institutions, and mobilizing trillions in climate finance. The document emphasizes that G-20 nations, responsible for approximately 75% of global emissions, must lead in phasing out fossil fuels and meeting financial commitments to support the most vulnerable nations.

The report analyzes how UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (HRTBs) are increasingly integrating climate change into their oversight of State obligations. In 2022, HRTBs made 95 references to climate change in their pronouncements, reflecting a trend toward treating the climate crisis as an urgent human rights issue. Key focus areas include the obligation of developed states to mitigate emissions, the need to phase out fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups such as children, women, persons with disabilities, and Indigenous Peoples. A landmark decision by the Human Rights Committee in Billy et al. v. Australia established a State's duty to protect individuals under its jurisdiction from climate impacts and provide effective remedies. The report emphasizes the growing role of HRTBs in defining extraterritorial obligations and the duty to regulate private corporate actors contributing to environmental degradation.

The report analyzes the increasing engagement of UN human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs) with climate change, noting that in 2022, 52 percent of outputs to States included climate-related recommendations. It highlights a shift toward more specific demands regarding mitigation, the phasing out of fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups, including children, women, and Indigenous Peoples. A landmark decision by the Human Rights Committee in Billy et al. v. Australia established a State's duty to protect individuals from climate impacts and provide effective remedy. The document argues for further HRTB guidance on extraterritorial obligations and the regulation of private business actors to prevent climate-induced human rights violations.

The report analyzes why private finance for climate adaptation in developing countries remains low, citing lack of clear revenue streams and high transaction costs for small-scale projects. It evaluates established and emerging financial instruments—such as blended finance, guarantees, and payment for ecosystem services—and argues that the most effective path forward is not the creation of new instruments, but the innovative combination and application of existing ones to match specific project needs.

The report argues that the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA) should avoid a rigid, top-down indicator framework, which often creates bureaucratic burdens and fails to reflect local realities. Instead, it proposes a 'mixed approach' that combines a few high-level global targets with bottom-up, country-driven indicators derived from existing national MEL systems. The authors emphasize that the MEL system must be iterative and pragmatically bold, focusing on enhancing adaptive capacity and reducing vulnerability without imposing new reporting burdens on developing countries. Key recommendations include leveraging existing frameworks like the SDGs and the Sendai Framework, strengthening participatory processes, and defining clear roles for UNFCCC bodies to analyze collective progress for the Global Stocktake.

China's engagement in the Middle East is fundamentally driven by the need for energy security, as it imports approximately half of its crude oil from the region. To mitigate vulnerabilities, Beijing utilizes the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to invest in infrastructure and digital technology, while balancing diplomatic ties between Saudi Arabia and Iran. China has recently acted as a mediator in the Saudi-Iran relationship and is expanding its arms trade, offering alternatives to US weapons. Following the escalation of the Israel-Hamas conflict, China has shifted its approach to favor Palestine and Arab states, viewing its ties with Israel as increasingly expendable to better align with the Global South.

The Ukraine war has accelerated a shift toward transactional alliances in the Middle East, empowering states like Saudi Arabia and Turkey to pursue greater strategic autonomy while weakening others like Egypt. As US influence diminishes and Russia focuses on its war effort, China has expanded its role from an economic power to a diplomatic mediator, exemplified by brokering the March 2023 Saudi-Iran rapprochement. The document also notes that Vladimir Putin's authoritarian leadership style and anti-Western ideological framing resonate with regional strongmen, posing a challenge to the liberal democratic order and the normative foreign policy of states like Norway.

The report argues that embarking countries face significant human and financial resource constraints when establishing the regulatory infrastructure required for nuclear licensing. To address this, it proposes the creation of an International Technical Support Organization (ITSO)—an independent body funded primarily by vendor nations—to provide technical reviews, inspection assistance, and training. Additionally, it advocates for a streamlined licensing model where embarking countries voluntarily accept design reviews conducted by other competent regulators to avoid duplicative processes and preserve the economic benefits of modular reactor standardization.

The document argues that Israel's ambition to expand the Abraham Accords, particularly to Saudi Arabia, has been thwarted by a combination of far-right domestic policies and Saudi Arabia's strategic pivot toward normalization with Iran, Syria, and Hamas. While existing agreements with states like the UAE remain economically robust, the brief notes that the current Israeli government's actions in the West Bank and its judicial reforms have strained relations with the US and Jordan, while removing the primary incentive for Saudi engagement.

Turkey has rapidly become a global exporter of military drones, specifically the Bayraktar TB2 and Akıncı models, using this technology to enhance its soft power and establish new geopolitical alliances. This shift is part of a broader quest for 'strategic autonomy'—the ability to make defense decisions independently—driven by past arms sanctions from the US and technical failures with Israeli technology. While the drone sector has provided a significant economic boost, with defense and aerospace exports exceeding $4 billion in 2022, the brief highlights critical concerns regarding the lack of parliamentary oversight, centralized decision-making in the President's office, and alleged human rights violations by end-users in conflict zones like Ethiopia and Libya.

The report analyzes COP27 outcomes through a human rights lens, highlighting the breakthrough establishment of a Loss and Damage Fund and the first consensus-based mention of the right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment. However, it criticizes the failure to commit to a fossil fuel phase-out, the influence of fossil fuel lobbyists, and the 'unprecedented' restrictions on civil society participation imposed by the host country, Egypt. The document also notes missed opportunities in the Action Plan on Action for Climate Empowerment and the Gender Action Plan review, while calling for a rights-based approach to the Global Stocktake and Article 6.4 carbon market mechanisms.

The Healthy NDC Scorecard 2023 analyzes 58 NDCs to evaluate the integration of health into national climate policies. While 90% of analyzed NDCs mention health and climate linkages, the report finds a significant mismatch between health recognition and actual climate ambition, particularly in G20 nations. Low- and middle-income countries generally achieved the highest health scores, while several high-income nations scored zero. The report recommends enhanced intersectoral collaboration, the quantification of health co-benefits to secure financing, and the exclusion of the fossil fuel industry from climate policymaking.

The report finds that global methane abatement finance reached USD 13.7 billion in 2021/22, yet remains far below the estimated annual need of USD 48 billion by 2030. While the AFOLU sector saw a 77% increase in funding, the fossil fuel sector—which has the highest mitigation potential—received less than 1% of tracked finance. Private sources provided 70% of total funding, primarily through debt and equity, while public finance declined by 10%. Geographically, East Asia and the Pacific, the U.S. and Canada, and Western Europe are the top recipients, leaving a significant support gap in Latin America and South Asia.

The report finds that low-cost, repeated behaviors like reducing food waste are significantly more common than high-cost, one-time installations like heat pumps or solar panels. While many who adopted these behaviors faced minimal difficulty, non-adopters cited lack of awareness and lack of interest for low-cost actions, and high cost and home ownership issues for high-cost technologies.

The report analyzes how non-Western powers are extending their influence in Afghanistan and the Sahel through economic, political, and security tools. While China and Russia are the most visible actors, their strategies differ: Russia often employs a 'harder' security-focused approach, while China focuses on 'softer' developmental and economic interests. The document finds that while there are expectations that these powers will fill the vacuum left by Western withdrawals, there is limited evidence that a major power shift has materialized. It concludes that the engagement of autocratic states likely allows for the continuation of existing illiberal tendencies rather than actively exporting them, and recommends that Norway focus on its own unique benefits when engaging with these regions.

The 2023 Production Gap Report finds that global governments plan to produce significantly more fossil fuels by 2030 and 2050 than is consistent with the 1.5°C warming limit. Despite net-zero pledges, many major producers continue to plan increases in coal, oil, and gas extraction. The report argues for a rapid phase-out of fossil fuels, noting that reliance on carbon capture and storage (CCS) and carbon dioxide removal (CDR) is risky due to technical and economic uncertainties.

The appendix describes the technical process for estimating the 'government plans and projections' (GPP) pathway using data from 19 major producer countries and deriving climate-consistent pathways from IPCC AR6 mitigation scenarios. It outlines the conversion of physical production data into energy and extraction-based GHG emission units and explains the scenario-filtering process used to exclude pathways with unrealistic reliance on carbon dioxide removal (CDR) and carbon capture and storage (CCS). Additionally, it compares the 2023 findings with the 2021 assessment, noting a widening production gap for coal by 2030.

The 2023 Production Gap Report finds that governments plan to produce significantly more fossil fuels by 2030 and 2050 than is compatible with the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement. Despite net-zero commitments, major producers continue to plan expansions, with coal production projected to increase until 2030 and oil and gas until at least 2050. The report emphasizes that relying on carbon capture and storage (CCS) and carbon dioxide removal (CDR) is risky due to technical failures and scale issues, urging a phase-out of coal by 2040 and a reduction of oil and gas to 25% of 2020 levels by 2050.