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The report examines the draft investment chapter of the FTAA, highlighting its reliance on the NAFTA model. It identifies several critical areas where the draft threatens democratic governance and environmental protection, specifically through investor-state dispute settlement mechanisms, broad definitions of expropriation, and restrictions on capital controls and performance requirements.

The document argues that the export of pesticides prohibited or not approved in Europe (EU, Switzerland, and the UK) to parties of the Bamako Convention in Africa and the Central American Agreement constitutes a violation of international law. It asserts that these substances are classified as hazardous waste under the national laws of importing countries and the terms of these regional agreements, thereby breaching the Basel Convention. Furthermore, the text claims that these exports violate international human rights obligations regarding the right to health. The analysis extends to other exporting nations like Canada, China, and Russia, concluding that all Basel Convention parties must immediately prohibit the export of such hazardous chemicals.

The document argues that exporting pesticides banned in their country of origin to Africa and Central America violates the Bamako Convention, the Central American Agreement, and the Basel Convention, as these substances are defined as hazardous waste by the importing nations. It asserts that European states and other Basel Convention parties (such as Canada, China, and Russia) are failing their international legal and human rights obligations by allowing this trade, which harms health and ecosystems in low- and middle-income countries.

The document argues that the increasing use of manufactured nanomaterials (MNMs) in consumer, industrial, and medical products is leading to their proliferation in waste streams, posing risks to human health and the environment that are not yet fully understood. Signatories demand that governments and companies implement extended producer responsibility, restrict the transboundary movement of MNM waste, and establish a public registry of nano-products in Europe to ensure transparency. The statement also advocates for the development of safe recycling technologies and the integration of waste prevention into publicly funded nanotechnology research to support a safe circular economy.

The Declaration on Waste Containing Nanomaterials argues that the increasing presence of manufactured nanomaterials (MNMs) in waste streams poses risks to human health and the environment due to uncertainties regarding their toxicity. The signatories call for the implementation of full producer responsibility, the restriction of transboundary waste movements, and the creation of an EU-wide public nano-product registry to ensure transparent quantification of waste flows. They further advocate for innovation in waste prevention, the development of safe recycling and disposal technologies, and the establishment of verifiable end-of-waste criteria to support a circular economy without introducing new environmental risks.

The report argues that pesticides banned in their country of manufacture are classified as 'hazardous wastes' under the Bamako Convention and the Central American Agreement. Because many importing nations in Africa and Central America have monist legal systems or specific domestic laws incorporating these definitions, the report concludes that exporting such substances from Basel Convention parties (including the EU, UK, and Switzerland) violates the Basel Convention, international customary law, and the extraterritorial human rights obligation to protect the right to health.

The Glasgow Work Programme on Action for Climate Empowerment (ACE) aims to empower society through education, public awareness, training, public participation, public access to information, and international cooperation. While COP30 saw the adoption of a draft decision reaffirming ACE priorities and the planning of a 2026 Dialogue and technical workshops, significant barriers remain. Countries like Sudan and Panama report that "insufficient technical and financial resources" and a "lack of an evaluation index" hinder national implementation. Future efforts are directed toward a 2026 midterm review of the work programme at SB64 to identify gaps and shape a new action plan.

The FSD Africa and FSDAi venture finance portfolio consists of numerous funds and platforms targeting climate action, gender-lens investing, and financial inclusion across the African continent. Key climate-focused initiatives include Africa Climate Ventures, which aims to reduce 100 million tonnes of carbon emissions by 2030, and the Catalyst Fund, which targets 40 pre-seed climate resilience start-ups. Gender-focused funds such as Aruwa Capital and RiTA Fund I specifically address capital imbalances for female-led businesses. The portfolio also includes sector-specific vehicles for fintech (First Circle Capital), insurance (Inclusive Insurance Investment Fund), and renewable energy (Nithio, Spark Energy), utilizing a mix of equity, grants, and debt to catalyze private investment and drive sustainable economic growth.

The GCF approved USD 3.7 billion for 76 projects across 79 developing countries, targeting a reduction of 1.3 billion metric tonnes of CO2 equivalent. Key operational developments include the launch of the Simplified Approval Process (SAP) Pilot Scheme, the adoption of an Indigenous Peoples Policy, and the establishment of an Environmental and Social Policy. The fund is also preparing for its first formal replenishment process and expanding its private sector engagement through dedicated pilot programmes for MSMEs and resource mobilization at scale.

The report form classifies the Global Subnational Climate Fund (SnCF Global), managed by Pegasus Capital Advisors (PCA), as a Category I-2 programme. It confirms that an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS) has been established and disclosed in multiple languages to accommodate target countries across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Mediterranean.

The Green Economy Coalition advocates for a systemic shift from narrow economic metrics like GDP toward a 'green economy' that prioritizes human wellbeing and ecological health. The report identifies five key action areas: redefining progress through new metrics, reforming financial flows to reduce short-termism, greening high-impact sectors (energy, food, housing, transport), investing in people to ensure inclusive growth, and managing natural systems to protect essential ecosystem services. It concludes with nine guiding principles for a fair and inclusive transition, emphasizing the need for multi-stakeholder engagement and a move away from resource-intensive growth.

The document analyzes the impact of the Trump administration's 'reciprocal tariffs' on the Global South, specifically Africa, and argues that these policies signal the end of preferential market access under AGOA. It suggests that African nations should respond by rerouting trade through the AfCFTA and BRICS, implementing targeted import substitution industrialisation, and creating collective bargaining platforms to negotiate with external powers.

The report assesses the current state of electricity generation, transmission, and consumption across Africa, highlighting a 'double burden' of climate and transition risk. It finds that while renewable energy potential is high, investment is heavily skewed toward generation and concentrated in a few countries, with significant data gaps hindering effective policy. The analysis of Global Production Networks (GPNs) reveals a heavy dependence on imported technology, particularly from China, and identifies specific challenges and opportunities for localising solar and wind value chains. Employment data is noted as inconsistent, though solar PV dominates the current renewable energy job landscape.

This document is an introductory report from the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) regarding a conference held on 31 May 2011. The conference aimed to analyze the 2011 North African revolutions and generate policy responses to peace and security challenges to support democratization and human security in the region.

This document is a draft agenda for the Twelfth Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, scheduled for February 1-3, 2009, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The document analyzes the January 2013 escalation of conflict in Mali, where Islamist rebels captured the city of Konna, prompting a French military intervention. It attributes the rebel offensive to a lack of progress in negotiations and delays in the deployment of the UN-authorized African-led International Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA). While the French intervention is viewed as timely due to the Malian army's limited operational capacity, the author warns of humanitarian risks and the long-term challenge of controlling liberated areas. The briefing concludes by questioning the effectiveness of previous initiatives to strengthen African national armies and calls for a rethink of regional defense strategies.

The handbook provides a comprehensive guide for African environmental and land rights defenders (ELRDs), detailing the threats they face—including SLAPP suits and gender-based violence—and the legal avenues available for redress. It outlines the roles of the African Commission and African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, as well as sub-regional courts like the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice. The document emphasizes the vulnerability of women, youth, and Indigenous communities, and provides a directory of emergency funds and support organizations.

The research finds that while Libyan arms significantly enhanced the military capacity of insurgents in Mali and the Sinai, the overall proliferation was less destabilizing and widespread than initially feared, abating after 2013 due to international interventions and increased domestic demand within Libya.

The research examines nine donor-supported active citizenship programs implemented between 2010 and 2015 in Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, and Tunisia. The authors argue that these programs, primarily funded by the US and Europe, employ a 'neo-liberalization of citizenship' approach that emphasizes formal participation and technical skill-building over political dissent and social mobilization. Through interviews with approximately 250 activists, the study finds a significant gap between the normative, Western-inspired training modules and the actual political constraints in the MENA region, such as secretive decision-making, unreliable judicial systems, and the dominance of informal power networks. The paper concludes that these programs risk bolstering the legitimacy of non-democratic regimes by encouraging tokenistic engagement and disconnecting activists from their local communities.

The study argues that while rising food prices create economic grievances, these only translate into urban unrest if societal organizations—such as civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties—are present to provide mobilization structures and frame grievances. Using data from 41 African countries, the author finds that state repression of these organizations generally decreases the probability of unrest. Interestingly, the highest risk of unrest occurs in moderately repressive regimes that still allow some organizational activity, rather than in completely open societies, where citizens may prefer voting over protesting or where organizations provide alternative coping mechanisms.