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Libélula has worked to support Peru's green MSME sector by building a community of entrepreneurs and facilitating dialogues with financial institutions and government bodies. Despite frequent government turnover that has stalled various initiatives, Libélula contributed to the passage of the Collective Benefit Enterprise Law (BIC Law) and helped the Ministry of Production develop a circular economy map. The organization emphasizes that collective social demand and community backing are essential to maintaining a green agenda across changing administrations.

The document details a multi-phase initiative in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, to combat pollution caused by the use of raw coal in 'ger' settlements. It highlights the role of the Economic Policy and Competitiveness Research Centre (EPCRC) in transitioning the community toward fuel-efficient briquettes, improving sanitation to prevent soil contamination, and influencing national green economy policies and legislation for women entrepreneurs.

Die Linke conducted over 600,000 doorstep conversations before a snap election using deep canvassing techniques, such as the "70% listening / 30% talking rule," to engage voters who feel alienated from the political system. The campaign relied heavily on volunteers from climate, housing, and anti-fascist movements, who brought "structure based organising" skills to the party. The author argues that these "beyond the bubble" tactics are essential for addressing the cost of living and supporting the green transition by engaging people who are not traditional activists and may be considering the extreme right.

The document examines the Collective Benefit Enterprise (BIC) initiative in Peru, noting that while the law was passed in February 2021, progress has been stalled by a 2022 political crisis and systemic barriers. Research by the Libélula Institute for Global Change reveals minimal awareness of the BIC status among consumers and organisations, with only 45 certified entities currently existing. Key obstacles include cumbersome legal processes, a lack of clear government guidance, the high cost of compliance for small enterprises, and inconsistent requirements for annual impact reports. The report argues that the Ministry of Production's ID Produce department must lead the initiative's reactivation, supported by the 'Tu Empresa' service and a network of private sector, academic, and financial partners to expand the green enterprise community.

This white paper by the Green Economy Coalition argues that transitioning to a circular economy (CE)—characterized by recycling, reusing, and refurbishing—is essential for achieving a green, just, and inclusive transition and meeting global climate and social targets.

The report positions the circular economy (CE) as a cornerstone of the green economy, emphasizing that a 'just transition' must balance environmental sustainability with social justice. It identifies systemic barriers to CE adoption, such as reliance on linear models and a growing 'circularity divide' between advanced and developing economies. The document advocates for integrated frameworks, multi-stakeholder collaboration, and specific policy instruments—including green procurement and financial incentives—to drive a regenerative economic system that protects marginalized communities and restores natural ecosystems.

The Green Economy Coalition calls for a transformation of the Bretton Woods institutions, specifically the IMF and World Bank, to address outdated governance, unsustainable debt in the Global South, and the need for financial flows to align with the Paris Agreement and the Kunming-Montreal Biodiversity Framework.

The text outlines the need for better coordination among international bodies to support the 'Mission 1.5' goal of the Paris Agreement. It highlights that while the G20 has a temporary Task Force on Climate Change and multiple working groups addressing climate issues, these efforts often operate in silos and lack alignment with other forums like the UN Summit of the Future. To address this, Plataforma CIPÓ recommends establishing a permanent G20 body for climate action and a permanent facility for regular dialogue between the G20, the COP Presidencies Troika, international financial institutions, and ECOSOC.

The 2024 barometer identifies a shift toward embedding social justice in climate action and the rise of green macroeconomic governance, while warning against the 'gold rush' for critical minerals and the use of climate as a political 'wedge' issue.

The author contends that treating climate change, pandemics, and economic instability as separate issues leads to fragmented solutions that may worsen other crises. Drawing on the concept of 'crisis tribes'—groups defined by the specific traumas they have experienced—the text argues that current dominant policy responses often prioritize narrow interests over systemic health. To counter this, the Green Economy Coalition proposes a 'new eco-social contract for a shared global green deal' focused on building global partner networks, developing national eco-social contracting prototypes, and establishing a collective global green economy architecture to ensure a fair transition for all nations.

The Green Economy Coalition advocates for a fair green industrial strategy in the UK, criticizing the Labour Party for abandoning its £28 billion green investment pledge. The document highlights the US Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) as a successful example of structural policymaking that leverages private investment—estimated by Goldman Sachs at $3 trillion—into renewable energy. It argues that government leadership through clear, long-term commitments and mandatory net zero targets is essential to attract business investment, ensure energy security, and protect vulnerable workers during the transition from fossil fuels.

The Global Research and Action Network for a New Eco-Social Contract (GRAN-ESC) proposes that the UN's 'Pact for the Future' adopt 'eco-social contracts' that integrate ecological, social, and economic elements. The submission advocates for a shift toward transformative, community-led sustainable development, the removal of fossil fuel subsidies, and the reform of the international financial architecture to support debtor nations in the 'Majority World'. Key recommendations include the legal recognition of the rights of nature, the creation of a UN taskforce on structural green and eco-social transition policies, and the implementation of deliberative processes like citizens' assemblies to ensure the inclusion of marginalised groups and future generations.

The report identifies a global shift toward embedding social justice in climate action and the rise of green macroeconomic policies like the US Inflation Reduction Act and the EU Green Deal. While renewable energy capacity and electric vehicle sales are hitting records, the transition faces significant hurdles, including a 'gold rush' for critical minerals often lacking governance, inadequate private sector investment in nature, and a trust deficit between citizens and institutions. The document argues for a new 'eco-social contract' based on participatory governance and a fundamental reform of the multilateral financial system to support low- and middle-income countries.

The Green Economy Coalition responds to the IEA's Net Zero Roadmap and the International Climate and Energy Summit, emphasizing that while technology exists to limit warming to 1.5 °C, success depends on tripling renewable capacity, doubling energy efficiency, and reducing methane emissions by 75% by 2030. The Coalition argues that the transition must be 'people-centred' and based on 'eco-social contracts' to ensure marginalized voices are included and multilateral financial institutions are reformed to support emerging economies.

The Green Economy Coalition emphasizes the need for the private sector to improve its reporting on the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), noting that while 96% of the world's largest 250 companies produce sustainability reports, only 10% report against all 17 goals. The document advocates for governments to mandate sustainability reporting to track national policy success and stimulate sustainable investment, citing the SDG Corporate Tracker in Colombia as a successful model of public-private data collaboration.

The document argues that existing governance structures are insufficient to manage the disruptive trade-offs of the green transition. It proposes 'eco-social contracts'—frameworks for action that integrate social and ecological guarantees—to rebuild trust between citizens and states. The report examines policy tools such as Green Deals, degrowth, and circular economy models, while advocating for deliberative democratic mechanisms like citizens' assemblies and participatory budgeting to create a legitimate mandate for systemic change.

The report argues that existing social contracts are broken, exclusionary, and ignore planetary boundaries, necessitating a transition to 'eco-social contracts'. These new frameworks are proposed to be grounded in human rights, gender justice, and a 'contract with nature'. The document explores various pathways for implementation, including rights-based economies, the recognition of the rights of nature, and the inclusion of marginalized groups such as informal workers and Indigenous peoples. It provides specific regional analyses and case studies from Nepal, the MENA region, India, and Australia to illustrate how participatory processes and communitarian imaginaries (such as Ubuntu and Sumak kawsay) can inform these new societal agreements.

The policy brief identifies a 'policy coherence gap' in the global green transition, where structural, long-term policies are being crowded out by unilateral industrial measures and short-term stimuli. It proposes that the G20 adopt a shared agenda to define and prioritize structural green reforms—such as natural capital investment and fossil fuel subsidy reform—to unlock concessionary financing and private investment for low-income and indebted countries. The authors present four options for G20 action, ranging from the status quo to a high-ambition multilateral framework that integrates debt-swap approaches and special drawing rights to facilitate a just transition.

The document argues that current economic systems are failing and that large-scale economic reform requires broad public support, which can be generated through participatory mechanisms. It defines a 'social contract' as an agreement between state and society on rights, responsibilities, and resource distribution, suggesting that a new 'eco-social contract' is needed to prioritize the planet and people over profit. The briefing details various innovative mechanisms for citizen engagement—such as citizen assemblies, participatory budgeting, and just transition processes—and identifies five key tools best suited for driving economic reform. It emphasizes the need to expand these mechanisms to the Global South and frontline communities to restore trust and create a 'social mandate' for a just and sustainable transition.

The text outlines the mission of the Global Research and Action Network for a New Eco-Social Contract, which seeks to define and implement a new framework for the 21st century. This proposed eco-social contract aims to ensure human rights for marginalized groups, provide security in a changing world, and drive the economic transformation necessary to halt environmental destruction and climate change.