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The report examines the hydrological constraints and governance regimes of transboundary river basins in the SADC region, arguing that while water is not a primary driver of conflict, robust institutional frameworks and policy harmonisation are essential for economic growth. It highlights the role of the SADC Water Protocol and the evolution of basin-specific regimes, proposing 'Parallel National Action' as a mechanism to align national policies without eroding state sovereignty.

The report examines the Tanzanian mining sector, noting that while it contributes modestly to GDP (2.3%), it accounts for approximately 45% of foreign earnings. It highlights a significant gap between public perceptions of mining profitability and the operational realities of the industry. A case study of Barrick Gold reveals varying levels of social legitimacy across its mines, with the North Mara mine facing severe challenges including criminal activity and community mistrust, while the Buzwagi mine was designed to follow global best practices. The report recommends greater fiscal transparency through EITI compliance and the creation of a national mining forum.

The study establishes a significant positive correlation between temperature increases and cholera cases in Tanzania, predicting that a 1 degree Celsius rise in annual mean temperature increases the risk ratio for cholera by 23 to 51 percent. By 2030, the total economic cost of additional cholera cases and deaths—including treatment, productivity loss, and the value of statistical life—is projected to range from 1.4 to 7.8 percent of GDP. The authors argue that the costs of these climate-driven health impacts largely exceed the costs of preventive measures, such as household chlorination and improved water sanitation.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.

The paper argues that trade policies are often gender-blind and can reduce the policy space for states to implement pro-gender development strategies. It highlights the critical role of the informal economy, where approximately 70% of traders in sub-Saharan Africa are women, and suggests that regional trade agreements (RTAs) are better suited to women's needs than large global markets. The authors identify institutional and legal hurdles—rather than social traditions—as the primary obstacles to women's business growth. The document recommends the adoption of a 'gender perspective' in trade analysis and the creation of a gender-sensitivity yardstick for RTAs to ensure that trade liberalization does not exacerbate existing inequalities, particularly in the agricultural sector.

Mozambique possesses significant hydropower, natural gas, and coal potential, yet over 80% of its population lacks grid connectivity, relying instead on traditional biomass. The report details the country's transition from a centralized socialist economy to a liberalized market, highlighting the role of the 1997 Electricity Act in opening the sector to private investment. It examines the functions of key entities like Electricidade de Moçambique (EDM) and the National Energy Fund (FUNAE), while outlining strategic goals to increase electrification rates to 20% by 2020 and leverage regional power demand through the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP).

The report examines energy security in Southern Africa, focusing on the need to expand electricity generation capacity and diversify away from coal. It identifies the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) as a key mechanism for regional cooperation to exploit vast hydropower potential in countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mozambique. However, the report notes that urgent short-term power shortages often lead countries, especially South Africa, to rely on quicker, coal-fired solutions, creating a 'lock-in' effect. It argues that for SAPP to succeed, the region must overcome significant regulatory risks, high upfront capital costs for hydropower, and a lack of cost-reflective pricing in national utilities.

The report analyzes the complex relationship between Egypt and the Sudan (North and South) ahead of the 2011 Southern Sudan referendum. It highlights Egypt's strategic interests in Nile water security, regional stability, and trade, while warning that a flawed referendum or failed secession negotiations could lead to renewed civil war or state collapse. The document argues that Egypt must move beyond its preference for Sudanese unity to constructively engage with both Northern and Southern Sudanese entities to ensure a peaceful transition and maintain its influence in the Nile Basin.

The study finds that carbon emissions from smallholder irrigation pumps in five Sub-Saharan African countries are currently a negligible fraction of national agricultural emissions and are unlikely to become significant even under high-adoption scenarios. However, the study warns that increased pump uptake may pose a more immediate threat to local water resources, particularly in semi-arid regions like Burkina Faso.

The report assesses three primary stressors—air pollution, energy generation, and pesticides—and their capacity to degrade ecosystem services like crop production, pollination, and nutrient cycling. It argues that these pressures create significant barriers to achieving MDG 1, particularly in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. The analysis highlights that while universal modern energy access is financially feasible and would reduce ecosystem pressure, current trends in air pollution and uncontrolled pesticide use pose severe risks to food security and biodiversity.

The SEI Strategy 2010-2014 establishes a framework for the institute to act as a leading provider of systems understanding and policy solutions for sustainable development. The strategy reorganizes research into four multidisciplinary themes: managing environmental systems, reducing climate risk, transforming governance, and rethinking development. SEI aims to increase its institutional core funding to 40% by 2014 to enhance strategic flexibility and independence. The institute leverages a distributed structure of research centres across Africa, Asia, Europe, and the USA to link global expertise with local implementation, specifically targeting the needs of poor regions and the development of leadership capacities in the South.

The document argues that ICTs are essential enablers for climate change adaptation, facilitating the collection of environmental data and the dissemination of early warnings to vulnerable populations. It highlights the role of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) in supporting the Nairobi Framework and the Hyogo Framework for Action by developing standards, improving telecommunications infrastructure, and deploying weather stations in under-served regions like Africa.

The author proposes a new green revolution focused on sustainable land management and water harvesting to meet development goals and climate risks. He argues that investing in small-scale rainfed agriculture and conservation agriculture can double or triple crop yields while sequestering carbon. The document identifies systemic barriers, such as the policy fixation on large-scale irrigation and the administrative split between 'wet' water ministries and 'dry' agriculture ministries, and calls for integrated national strategies in Africa to scale these solutions.

The document examines the 'double incarnation' of Libyan foreign policy under Muammar Qaddafi. From 1970 to the mid-1990s, Libya focused on pan-Arabism and frequently destabilized African nations by supporting rebel groups in Chad, Sudan, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Since the late 1990s, Tripoli shifted toward pan-Africanism, playing a central role in the establishment of the African Union (AU) and the Community of Sahel and Saharan States (CEN-SAD). The paper details Libya's efforts to act as a peace broker, specifically in the Chad-Sudan conflict, and its use of 'chequebook diplomacy' through development aid and capital investments via companies like LAAICO and LAFICO.

The document details the conclusion of the peace process between the Government of Burundi and the Palipehutu-FNL, including the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of combatants and the movement's transition into a political party. It further analyses the volatile pre-electoral environment for the 2010 polls, highlighting disputes over the electoral code, internal party divisions, and the risk of violence driven by the militarisation of youth leagues and incomplete civilian disarmament.

The document examines the technical and political challenges of integrating REDD into global climate policy, focusing on the scope of activities (from REDD to REDD++), financing mechanisms, measurement, reporting and verification (MRV) standards, and institutional governance. It highlights the diversity of national circumstances, particularly in Africa, and the need for a phased implementation approach that balances equity with efficiency.

The document examines the intersection of environmental governance and climate change in Africa, highlighting the continent's high vulnerability due to low adaptive capacity and 'multiple stresses'. It analyzes specific case studies on land degradation and gender in Uganda, informal institutions in the Lake Victoria Basin, and renewable energy policies in Nigeria and Uganda. It further critiques the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) from an African perspective, suggesting reforms to increase participation and sustainable development. Finally, it argues for a human rights-based approach to climate mitigation and adaptation to protect the most vulnerable populations.

The research finds that large youth cohorts significantly increase the risk of political violence primarily in societies with low male secondary education levels. This effect is most pronounced in low and middle-income countries, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study supports the 'opportunity cost' hypothesis, suggesting that higher education reduces the incentive for young men to join rebel organizations. Conversely, it finds no evidence that rapid educational expansion or low progression ratios between education levels increase conflict risk.

The document examines the tension between formal legal systems inherited from British colonial rule and traditional customary laws in Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia. It finds that while customary justice is more accessible, faster, and more culturally relevant to local populations, it often lacks state support or formal recognition and can perpetuate discrimination against women. The brief recommends formalising the role of traditional leaders and integrating customary processes into state-sanctioned systems to create more responsive and credible justice frameworks.

The document identifies illiteracy, poverty, and the bifurcated nature of legal systems as primary barriers to justice in Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia. It highlights how these factors disproportionately affect women and rural populations, and recommends strengthening legal aid, paralegal services, and the synergy between formal and informal justice systems.