Search Climate Insights Directory

The report argues that the economic and energy security justifications for expanding oil and gas activities in the Colombian Amazon are poorly substantiated. It recommends permanently shelving unassigned blocks, protecting biodiversity, and managing the decline of the fossil fuel industry in areas like Putumayo to align with Colombia's climate commitments and its USD 40 billion climate and nature investment plan.

The document assesses the socio-environmental crises in the Amazon basin across Brazil, Colombia, and Ecuador, highlighting how extractive industries, deforestation, and poor governance impact indigenous and marginalized communities. It argues that these communities are often excluded from environmental policy-making due to a lack of local media, linguistic barriers, and safety risks for journalists. The report identifies community radio as the most effective tool for amplifying local voices, preserving traditional ecological knowledge, and promoting climate justice, while noting significant challenges such as financial instability, political interference, and the need for native-language broadcasting.

The report examines the socio-environmental crises and communication barriers in the Amazonian regions of Ecuador, Brazil, and Colombia. It highlights how extractivism, deforestation, and political influence marginalize local voices, particularly those of indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. The document argues that community radio is the most effective tool for amplifying local knowledge and ensuring participation in climate policy, provided that challenges regarding financial sustainability, language diversity, and safety for journalists are addressed.

The report examines how extractive industries, deforestation, and political interests degrade the Amazon rainforest and marginalize local voices in Brazil, Colombia, and Ecuador. It highlights the critical role of community radio in amplifying indigenous and grassroots knowledge, while identifying systemic barriers such as lack of connectivity, language discrimination, and safety risks for environmental defenders.

The report analyzes the intersection of corruption and organized crime within four primary drivers of environmental degradation in Colombia: illegal gold mining, illegal logging, wildlife trafficking, and land grabbing. It identifies systemic institutional weaknesses, such as deficient traceability systems and the instrumentalization of subsistence regimes, which allow 'invisible' economic and political elites to finance illicit activities through proxies and criminal networks. The document provides detailed recommendations for regulatory reform, including amending the Criminal Code to link environmental crimes to money laundering, improving the interoperability of environmental information systems, and implementing a 'traffic light' security risk assessment for territorial interventions.

The report assesses gender inequalities in Colombia, specifically within the Amazon biome, to inform a Gender Action Plan for a REDD+ project implemented by FAO and the Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development. It identifies significant gaps in land ownership, labor market participation, and decision-making power for rural and indigenous women. The document outlines a strategy to mainstream gender by promoting women's leadership in forest management, recognizing ancestral knowledge in food security and biodiversity, and implementing differential quotas for participation.

The report uses data from 12,000 interviews in PDET zones to evaluate the implementation of the Colombian Peace Agreement. It finds a divided population, with 38% satisfied and 58% dissatisfied. While the influence of armed groups has decreased from 55% to 30%, significant security challenges remain, including the assassination of social leaders. Trust in state institutions is low, while trust in the Catholic Church remains high. The report highlights the positive perception of illicit crop substitution and the work of transitional justice bodies, but notes a deep lack of trust in former FARC combatants and the FARC political party.

The document argues that current development and climate policies in Brazil, Colombia, and Peru often conflict, particularly where biofuel and hydropower expansion undermine forest conservation and water security. It advocates for a 'security agenda' based on the water-energy-food nexus to better manage resource trade-offs and improve coordination between national and subnational governments.

The research examines the 'legal mobilization' of displaced women's grassroots organizations (OMDs) in Colombia. It argues that in violent contexts, legal mobilization is hindered by 'unstable frames' (constant changes in laws), 'disappearing resources' (loss of assets and state capture by armed groups), and 'dangerous political opportunities' (risks of assassination and threats for social leaders). The study highlights that for these women, the pursuit of human rights is inextricably linked to the need for poverty alleviation and a 'dignified life.' It specifically analyzes the transition from the humanitarian framework of Law 387 of 1997 to the transitional justice framework of the 2011 Victims Law, noting that while the latter offers monetary reparations, it may overlook the systemic need for socio-economic stabilization.

The document analyzes the shift in legal identity from 'displaced person' to 'victim' in Mocoa, Colombia. It details the formation of the Municipal Table of Organizations of Population Victims of Forced Displacement (mfopd) and its role in planning municipal attention. Through a collaborative survey of 481 households, the report highlights severe poverty, housing deficits, and insecurity among the displaced. It concludes that the transition to the Victims Law (Law 1448) has often dismantled collective organizational achievements in favor of individual family reparations, potentially discouraging grassroots social justice claims.

The document analyzes how transnational corporations, multilateral financial institutions, and national governments drive deforestation and biodiversity loss through industrial monocultures and extractive industries. It presents case studies from Costa Rica, Argentina, Colombia, Indonesia, Paraguay, Cameroon, South Africa, and Ecuador to illustrate the displacement of indigenous peoples and the destruction of ecosystems. The report concludes by recommending a legally binding international framework for corporate regulation and the recognition of indigenous land rights to protect forest biodiversity.

The report presents findings from the Mapping Attitudes, Perceptions and Support (MAPS) project, based on 12,052 interviews in 73 municipalities across 16 PDET areas in Colombia. It reveals a complex landscape where 38% of respondents are satisfied with the Peace Agreement's implementation, while 58% are not. While the influence of armed groups has decreased from 55% to 30% since 2016, significant insecurity persists, and interpersonal and institutional trust remain low. The most positively perceived implementation areas are illicit crop substitution and truth, justice, and reparation for victims, whereas FARC political participation and health/education improvements are the least valued. The report emphasizes the strong correlation between perceived security and overall satisfaction with the peace process.

The report finds that while general satisfaction with the 2016 Peace Agreement's implementation increased from 36% in 2019 to 48% in 2021, significant challenges remain. Security perceptions have deteriorated, with 43% of respondents reporting worsening conditions in the 12 months prior to 2021. While the reincorporation of ex-combatants is valued as a policy, deep mistrust persists, with 87% of respondents not trusting former FARC-EP members. The report also highlights a gap between the high value placed on the PDETs and the perceived lack of tangible infrastructure and land titles. Victims' reparation and truth-seeking are highly valued, but only 12.6% of respondents reported receiving reparations in 2021. The study emphasizes the need for regionalized peace agendas and improved state presence in health, education, and security to foster trust and sustainable peace.

The report analyzes the relationship between human rights NGOs and the law in Colombia, specifically regarding forced displacement between 2002 and 2012. It proposes a typology of legal mobilization: 'appropriation' (strategic use of legal resources), 'adaptation' (weaving existing goals into new legal frameworks), and 'resistance' (proposing alternative frameworks outside dominant legal norms). Through three case studies, it details how Colemad fought 'legal dispossession' of land in the Atlantic coast, how the CNMI integrated indigenous cosmovisions and 'spiritual violence' into national legislation, and how COCA shifted from standard workshops to ancestral healing practices in Putumayo to address the psychological trauma of war. The text also highlights systemic challenges for these organizations, including precarious international funding, the 'privatization of social work,' and persistent insecurity from armed actors.

The report presents findings from two survey rounds (2019 and 2021) involving over 11,000 citizens in 72 PDET municipalities. While general satisfaction with the Agreement's implementation increased from 36% in 2019 to 48% in 2021, the report identifies a 'story of contrasts.' Residents generally value the Agreement's content and specific tools like reincorporation and crop substitution, but perceive actual implementation as insufficient and unequal across subregions. Security conditions are viewed as deteriorating, and trust in ex-combatants remains very low, hindering reconciliation. The report emphasizes that tangible improvements in security, public works, and reparations are the primary drivers of satisfaction and trust in state institutions.

The document uses a departmental input-output model to project that Colombia could lose up to 448,000 jobs by 2035 due to decreased coal, oil, and gas production. It highlights a significant disparity in impact: 'Vulnerable' departments (Arauca, Casanare, Cesar, La Guajira, and Meta) face severe production drops (32%-38%) and job losses that cannot be offset by renewable energy projects alone. While 'Large Economies' and 'Limited Affectation' departments also face job losses due to interdepartmental linkages, they possess higher potential for compensation through structural changes in agro-industry and nature tourism. The brief argues that a 'just transition' requires a structural economic shift, specifically proposing the creation of food manufacturing clusters and local-content requirements for renewable energy imports to maximize domestic employment.