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Africa possesses significant critical minerals (30% of global reserves) and solar resources (60% of global resources), yet contributes only 2% of global manufacturing value added. The document asserts that green industrialization requires systems-level policy coordination, treating finance as industrial policy, and utilizing Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) to improve competitiveness. It highlights successful examples, such as South Africa's REIPPPP attracting over $14 billion in private investment and Morocco's $32.5 billion in approved green ammonia, steel, and fuel projects. With energy demand projected to increase by one-third by 2030, the text emphasizes the need to shift from exporting raw materials to domestic processing and manufacturing to generate more jobs and long-term value.

The document examines how African public debt is rooted in colonial constructs and enforced through contract law, often perpetuating economic dependency. It analyzes the legal architecture at national and international levels, the various debt instruments used, and the systemic failures in transparency and accountability that lead to debt crises. The paper advocates for constitutional reforms, independent debt management offices, and a multilateral sovereign debt restructuring mechanism to ensure sustainable development and protect human rights.

The document highlights that just 1% of Morocco's superhot rock geothermal resource could provide 165 GW of capacity, potentially meeting the country's projected 2050 electricity demand and replacing all coal and gas imports used for power generation.

The report highlights that tropospheric ozone is a potent greenhouse gas and air pollutant responsible for approximately 0.23°C of present-day warming and nearly 500,000 premature deaths annually. It is not emitted directly but forms from precursors like methane, nitrogen oxides (NOx), non-methane volatile organic compounds (NMVOCs), and carbon monoxide (CO). The document identifies a significant gap in global climate strategies, noting that tropospheric ozone is largely absent from the Paris Agreement and most Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). It provides sector-specific policy levers—ranging from methane capture in oil and gas to electric vehicle adoption in transport—and presents case studies from Los Angeles, Mexico City, Beijing, and Europe to demonstrate the effectiveness of targeted pollution control. The report concludes with recommendations for policymakers to adopt multi-pollutant approaches, for scientists to fill knowledge gaps in regional climate effects, and for funders to increase the currently insufficient international development funding for outdoor air pollution.

The CDKN's Africa START research call provides £300,000 for 16 projects and £150,000 for management and a learning forum. The funded research addresses diverse climate risks across Africa, including forest degradation in Nigeria and Cameroon, water management in Benin and Ethiopia, and coastal lagoon sensitivity in North Africa, all aimed at enhancing food security and rural livelihoods.

The report argues that the proposed 1.2 GW Karpowership gas power plants are not aligned with a least-cost investment pathway for South Africa. Drawing on a study by Meridian Economics and the CSIR, it finds that the grid should prioritize rapid renewable energy build-out and storage, with new gas capacity not being economically optimal until the mid-2030s. The document concludes that commissioning these plants by 2022 would create an unnecessary economic burden for ratepayers and that the procurement process (RMIPP) was biased against renewable energy options.

The report argues that marine phosphate mining is unwarranted in South Africa because it would increase environmental phosphate flows and contamination. It proposes that a sustainable supply of phosphates can be achieved through 'loop-closure'—specifically recovering phosphorus from human and animal waste and improving fertilizer application efficiency in agriculture. A substance flow analysis indicates that approximately 164 kt/year of phosphorus enters the South African environment, with 133 kt/year potentially recoverable through recycling. The document concludes that terrestrial reserves are sufficient for 90–220 years, making the ecological risks of seabed mining unnecessary.

The research paper examines the public participation framework of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under the Kyoto Protocol, specifically focusing on the rules established by the Marrakech Accords. It identifies significant gaps in how information is made 'publicly available,' the lack of standardized environmental impact assessment (EIA) requirements, and the absence of formal redress mechanisms for stakeholders. The authors argue that current rules risk excluding local communities and NGOs, as most information is released after decision-making has occurred. To address these issues, the paper recommends the creation of a 'Good Practice Manual for Public Consultation and Disclosure' and the establishment of an independent watchdog mechanism similar to the World Bank's Inspection Panel.

The document argues that the export of pesticides prohibited or not approved in Europe (EU, Switzerland, and the UK) to parties of the Bamako Convention in Africa and the Central American Agreement constitutes a violation of international law. It asserts that these substances are classified as hazardous waste under the national laws of importing countries and the terms of these regional agreements, thereby breaching the Basel Convention. Furthermore, the text claims that these exports violate international human rights obligations regarding the right to health. The analysis extends to other exporting nations like Canada, China, and Russia, concluding that all Basel Convention parties must immediately prohibit the export of such hazardous chemicals.

The document argues that exporting pesticides banned in their country of origin to Africa and Central America violates the Bamako Convention, the Central American Agreement, and the Basel Convention, as these substances are defined as hazardous waste by the importing nations. It asserts that European states and other Basel Convention parties (such as Canada, China, and Russia) are failing their international legal and human rights obligations by allowing this trade, which harms health and ecosystems in low- and middle-income countries.

The document argues that ISDS is an asymmetrical system that often undermines state sovereignty and public interest. It suggests reforms including the multilateral termination of bilateral investment treaties (BITs), allowing state counterclaims, creating 'public interest carve-outs' to protect the right to regulate, implementing 'clean hands' clauses to bar bad-actor investors, requiring the exhaustion of local remedies, and granting third parties full legal standing in proceedings.

The report argues that pesticides banned in their country of manufacture are classified as 'hazardous wastes' under the Bamako Convention and the Central American Agreement. Because many importing nations in Africa and Central America have monist legal systems or specific domestic laws incorporating these definitions, the report concludes that exporting such substances from Basel Convention parties (including the EU, UK, and Switzerland) violates the Basel Convention, international customary law, and the extraterritorial human rights obligation to protect the right to health.

The green bond market experienced rapid growth between 2013 and 2016, with total emissions reaching USD 81 billion in 2016. The market is increasingly dominated by the private sector, with corporate and bank emissions rising from less than 1% in 2010 to 66% in 2016. While mitigation projects—specifically clean energy, energy efficiency, and low-carbon transport—receive approximately 75% of funds, financing for adaptation grew from less than 1% in 2011 to 5% of total emissions, driven largely by US municipalities. China emerged as a leading market, projecting to be the largest globally. To support the Paris Agreement, the Climate Bonds Initiative targets annual green bond emissions of USD 1 trillion by 2020. The document recommends that governments implement national capital mobilization plans, apply international standards like the Green Bond Principles and Climate Bonds Standard, and develop national verifier networks to reduce market friction and prevent greenwashing.

The Climate Bonds Initiative offers a tiered training structure consisting of Foundation, Deep Dive, and Advanced/Specialist courses focused on GSS+ bonds, transition finance, and adaptation and resilience. These programmes utilize the Climate Bonds Resilience Taxonomy (CBRT) to address seven resilience themes, including infrastructure, food systems, and natural systems. The organization has implemented these trainings globally through partnerships with entities such as the FAO, AUDA-NEPAD, IUCN, and IFC, targeting diverse actors from municipal governments in Southeast Asia to asset managers in Thailand.

The document examines the concept of 'just resilience,' which seeks to ensure that climate adaptation does not create new winners and losers or reinforce existing marginalisation. It identifies three core dimensions of justice—distributive, procedural, and recognition—and argues that adaptation must address structural drivers of vulnerability such as wealth, gender, and ethnicity. The paper highlights maladaptation risks, where technical solutions can inadvertently increase long-term risks or displace vulnerable groups. It reviews policy examples from Australia, South Africa, the EU, and Canada, and discusses emerging trends like the rights of nature and locally led adaptation. Finally, it addresses barriers to implementation, including resource constraints and the need for equitable international climate finance mechanisms.

The Ouarzazate I project is a 160MW CSP plant costing USD 1.3 billion, utilizing a public-private partnership (PPP) to bridge the competitiveness gap between CSP and cheaper carbon-intensive energy. The project's viability relies on five key building blocks: strong public support via the Moroccan Agency for Solar Energy (MASEN), approximately USD 1 billion in concessional financing from International Financial Institutions (IFIs) which reduced levelized costs by 25-30%, coordinated donor engagement, a risk allocation framework where the private developer bears construction/operational risk while the Government of Morocco bears revenue risk, and the application of lessons from previous CSP projects. While successful in its startup phase, the authors argue that long-term scalability in the MENA region will require further reductions in technology costs, the phasing out of fossil-fuel subsidies, and the establishment of renewable power exports to European markets through bilateral agreements and physical interconnector investments.

The report analyzes the shift from stalled global climate negotiations toward national and subnational policy actions. It examines sectoral emissions drivers and the effectiveness of various policy instruments—including carbon pricing, renewable energy mandates, and energy efficiency programs—across Brazil, China, the EU, India, and the US, while emphasizing the role of innovation and finance in achieving low-carbon growth.

The document argues that expanding fossil gas production in Africa is a 'fallacy' that risks creating stranded assets, increasing national debt, and exacerbating climate vulnerability. It highlights that gas reserves are concentrated in a few nations, meaning expansion will not benefit the continent broadly. Furthermore, it asserts that fossil gas infrastructure often involves high foreign ownership and poor contractual terms, pulling wealth out of Africa. The report contrasts this with the potential of renewables, noting that Africa possesses vast solar and wind resources that could provide cheaper, more accessible energy and more sustainable jobs. Environmental risks cited include the destruction of biodiversity hotspots, such as mangroves and coral reefs, and the health impacts of gas flaring and fracking. The briefing concludes that Africa should leapfrog extractive energy systems in favor of a clean, distributed energy future supported by international climate finance.

The 'People Power Now' manifesto argues that the climate crisis and global pandemics are results of a capitalist economic model that prioritizes profit over people and nature. It calls for a systemic shift toward a 100% renewable energy system that is decentralized, community-controlled, and grounded in social and climate justice. The manifesto demands that energy be treated as a common good rather than a commodity, emphasizing energy sufficiency to end overconsumption in the global North. It advocates for a just transition that protects energy sector workers and requires rich countries to provide climate finance, funded by redirecting military spending and ending tax havens. Central to this vision is the dismantling of patriarchy, racism, and classism to ensure a recovery from Covid-19 that prioritizes the sustainability of life and the rights of marginalized communities.

The document presents a manifesto for 'Energy Sovereignty Now!', calling for a shift away from capitalist and neoliberal energy models toward a system centered on human rights, environmental justice, and community control. It outlines ten demands, including the transition to 100% renewable energy, the recognition of energy as a common good rather than a commodity, and the implementation of a just transition that protects workers and marginalized groups. The manifesto emphasizes the historical responsibility of the Global North to provide climate finance and lead in emission reductions, while advocating for decentralized, small-scale renewable technologies managed democratically by local communities.