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The document analyzes the challenges facing humanitarian disarmament in a contemporary environment characterized by rising global antagonism, a redistribution of power toward the Global South, and the decline of democratic space for civil society. It argues that the success of past treaties, such as the Mine Ban Convention, is threatened by competing global priorities like climate change and the erosion of trust between major powers. The authors highlight the difficulty of building cross-regional coalitions and the risks faced by civil society organizations (CSOs) due to government restrictions and stigmatization. To remain effective, the brief suggests that disarmament efforts must become more inclusive, diversify funding sources, and shift communication strategies toward the self-interest of states rather than relying solely on moral arguments.

The report analyzes the financial support provided by 354 banks to the top 100 steelmakers, finding that $429 billion was provided between 2016 and June 2023. It highlights a critical gap between banks' climate commitments and their continued funding of coal-dependent blast furnace-basic oxygen furnace (BF-BOF) projects. The document argues that continuing to fund these assets creates significant stranded asset risks, estimated at $554 billion, and urges a shift toward green hydrogen direct reduced iron (DRI) and electric arc furnace (EAF) technologies.

The report argues that battery minerals are not like oil because their demand can be managed through six key solutions: changing chemistries, increasing energy density, recycling, extending battery lifetimes, improving vehicle efficiency, and enhancing mobility efficiency. Under a 'continued trend' scenario, virgin demand for lithium, nickel, and cobalt is projected to peak in the mid-2030s. Under an 'accelerated trend' scenario, net-zero mineral demand is achievable by 2050, turning mining into a one-off effort. The report highlights China's leadership in recycling and suggests that the Global South can leverage used vehicle imports to build its own recycling industries. Ultimately, the transition to a circular battery loop offers a path from oil dependence to circular energy independence.

The document examines the current state of circular economy trade measures notified to the WTO, noting a heavy bias toward end-of-life waste management over upstream resource efficiency. It proposes that the WTO facilitate a 'dynamic alignment system' using mutual recognition agreements, ISO 59000 standards, and cross-border extended producer responsibility schemes to support a global transition to a circular economy, particularly for developing nations.

Minister Kerrie D. Symmonds of Barbados argues that the 18-year-old Aid for Trade initiative is based on outdated assumptions and must be modernized to address the climate crisis and systemic vulnerabilities of small island developing states. He calls for a shift from traditional aid to an 'investment ambition' incorporating blended finance and private sector contributions, specifically citing the Bridgetown Initiative. Symmonds emphasizes that GDP-based eligibility for concessional financing is inadequate because a single climatic event can cause massive GDP losses, necessitating a reclassification of eligibility that accounts for vulnerability.

The authors contend that the EU is experiencing a 'U-turn' in climate commitment due to the rise of far-right political forces and security concerns stemming from Russia's war in Ukraine. They argue that current EU-level policies are 'dangerously inadequate' to protect European lives and livelihoods from catastrophic threats. The text highlights that while some industries and farmers have protested sustainability provisions, the economic costs of climate-induced supply chain disruptions—estimated up to $25 trillion globally over 35 years—far outweigh the costs of regulation. The authors urge policymakers to view climate change as a 'systemic threat' rather than focusing solely on near-term risks.

India's heavy industries emit 920 million tonnes of CO2 annually, with steel and cement contributing 18% of total national emissions. The report argues that green electrification is a critical lever for decarbonisation, starting with the transition of current electricity demand to renewable energy sources (RES) by 2030 and moving toward deep electrification and power-to-fuel technologies by 2050. By 2030, meeting the projected 253 TWh industrial electricity demand with RES would require 120 GW of capacity and could avoid 180 Mt of CO2. In the long term, a 'Potential Electrification Case' suggests that electricity's share of industrial energy consumption could triple to 34.5% by 2050, requiring 699 GW of RES capacity and potentially reducing CO2 emissions by 37% (737 Mt) compared to business-as-usual.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls on the EU Council to prioritize a rapid transition from fossil fuels to clean energy in its 2024-2029 strategic agenda. The Coalition argues that fast decarbonization is essential for economic resilience and competitiveness, especially as the US and China invest heavily in clean energy. They advocate for a robust 2040 climate target of at least 90% emissions reductions and a holistic approach integrating climate, nature, society, and economy to achieve a climate-neutral and socially fair Europe.

The EU is attempting to increase domestic production of net-zero technologies through the Net-Zero Industry Act (NZIA) and other strategies to reduce dependencies on China and the US. However, the author contends that the EU lacks the necessary funding to meet its 2030 targets, such as producing 40 per cent of its installation needs domestically. The document highlights a conflict between 'frugal' member states and those seeking a European Sovereignty Fund, leading to a reliance on the Temporary Crisis and Transition Framework (TCTF). This framework allows national 'matching aid', which the author argues creates unfair competition between wealthy nations like Germany and France and smaller states like Belgium. The text further critiques the use of non-price criteria in procurement and trade defense instruments, such as the Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR), noting they can increase costs for taxpayers and slow decarbonization. The author concludes that targeted, conditional European-level subsidies are the only viable way to ensure a just and cohesive green transition.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) asserts that current draft National energy and climate plans (NECPs) are insufficient for meeting the EU's 2030 targets. The organization calls for Member States to adopt technology-neutral strategies, increase financial transparency, and provide detailed roadmaps for carbon capture, methane mitigation, and nuclear energy before the June 30, 2024, submission deadline.

Reclaim Finance expresses its support for the Nouveau Front populaire in the 2024 French legislative elections, citing the coalition's commitment to transforming finance to serve a just ecological transition. The organization contrasts this with the far-right, specifically the Rassemblement national, which it claims opposes climate progress and seeks to repeal the European Green Deal. A key policy priority highlighted is the prohibition of financing for new fossil fuel energy projects.

A coalition of environmental organizations, including Greenpeace and Reclaim Finance, responded to the French Senate's inquiry into TotalEnergies. While they welcome the report's critical assessment of TotalEnergies' "climaticide" strategy and its expansion of fossil fuels, they argue that the 33 recommendations lack the binding measures necessary to align the company with the Paris Agreement. The associations specifically criticize the absence of super-profit taxation and the perceived weakness of the French state in regulating the multinational.

The document serves as a '101' guide for journalists to report on climate change, explaining the difference between weather and climate, the primary causes of global warming, and the impacts of extreme weather. It offers specific phrasing to help reporters connect current events to climate change and distinguishes between mitigation and adaptation strategies. Additionally, it provides professional guidance on avoiding greenwashing, handling climate deniers, and centering climate justice in reporting, while emphasizing that climate coverage is based on scientific consensus rather than activism.

The report highlights that while the EU has reduced territorial emissions, it has become a net importer of CO2 emissions since 2015, with a significant portion of its carbon footprint originating outside its borders, particularly from China, Russia, the United States, and India.

The document argues that the EU's territorial emission reductions underestimate its true carbon footprint due to emissions embedded in imports. It identifies food, housing, and mobility as primary consumption 'hotspots' and calls for a shift from a focus on production efficiency to policies that target consumption patterns and behavioral change. Key barriers include a lack of standardized monitoring and supply chain transparency, while opportunities lie in leveraging the EU's market influence to set common CBE targets and support developing countries in transitioning to low-carbon production.

The document examines textile waste management in Estonia in the context of the European Union’s Waste Framework Directive, which mandates separate textile waste collection by 2025. It highlights a significant gap in Estonia's current infrastructure, noting that while some industrial textile waste is recycled, there is no capacity for post-consumer textile waste recycling.

The research examines the role of financing in the transition of energy-intensive industrial sectors to low-carbon production in Sweden. It finds that capital investment size and financing availability are not perceived as significant obstacles, largely because the studied companies are large, well-established corporates with access to conventional finance, benefit from strong EU market demand, and are in early technology development stages. Despite this, the authors note that public actors remain essential for reducing investment risks and accelerating the transition pace.

The report analyzes the competition between Western and Chinese narratives in Africa, specifically debunking the 'debt-trap' narrative and arguing that African states exercise strategic agency by viewing both the US and China as viable partners rather than choosing one in a zero-sum game.

The report finds that many of the world's largest fossil fuel producers fail to address the transition of the fossil fuel sector in their climate plans. It argues that third-generation NDCs must include specific targets, pathways, and policies to wind down production in alignment with the COP 28 agreement to ensure a just and orderly transition.

The briefing outlines how the EU can sustain its climate leadership following the June 2024 elections by linking emissions reductions to energy security, consumer cost savings, and industrial competitiveness. It highlights the success of the RePowerEU Plan in reducing Russian gas imports and notes that wind and solar power saved EU consumers approximately EUR 100 billion between 2021 and 2023. The document emphasizes that investing in green technology and implementing social safety nets, such as retraining programmes, will ensure the transition is competitive and inclusive.