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The report critiques the World Bank's renewed focus on high-risk/high-reward projects in extractive industries, forestry, and large dams. It argues that the Bank's history is marked by 'institutional amnesia,' where past failures—such as mass displacement and environmental devastation—are ignored in favor of an 'approval culture' that overstates benefits and understates costs. The authors highlight specific cases like the Sardar Sarovar Dam in India and the Chad-Cameroon pipeline to demonstrate how the poor and the environment bear the risks while private investors reap the rewards. The report recommends a shift toward low-risk, community-driven development and the establishment of reparations for past damages.

The EIB is a central financial institution for EU relations with developing countries, particularly those in the ACP region. While it operates under the Cotonou Agreement, the document argues that the EIB prioritizes economic and technical evaluations over sustainable development and poverty eradication. The report highlights significant gaps in public information and project evaluation, noting that many venture capital operations lack public scrutiny. It recommends that the EIB adopt international standards like the Millennium Development Goals, implement mandatory public consultations, and establish an independent inspection mechanism for affected communities.

The report examines the symbiotic relationship between sustainable development and environmental justice, asserting that the former cannot be attained without the latter. It identifies three key legal nexuses: the right to a healthy environment, community-based property rights (CBPRs), and procedural rights to participation. The text highlights systemic failures where vulnerable populations, particularly in the Global South and minority communities in the US, bear disproportionate environmental burdens. It recommends shifting from market-based to rights-based approaches, strengthening corporate accountability, and ensuring the meaningful participation of indigenous and local communities in decision-making processes.

The report details the negative impacts of the Chad-Cameroon Oil and Pipeline Project in Cameroon, specifically focusing on the failure of World Bank safeguard measures. It documents systemic issues including discriminatory compensation for indigenous 'pygmy' communities, the impoverishment of small farmers through inadequate payments, the pollution of drinking water sources, and the rise of prostitution involving minors. Additionally, it highlights poor labor conditions and the dismissal of injured workers. The document concludes that the World Bank is unable to meaningfully influence oil companies to respect human rights and the environment, suggesting the Bank should withdraw from financing oil projects entirely.

The document analyzes how transnational corporations, multilateral financial institutions, and national governments drive deforestation and biodiversity loss through industrial monocultures and extractive industries. It presents case studies from Costa Rica, Argentina, Colombia, Indonesia, Paraguay, Cameroon, South Africa, and Ecuador to illustrate the displacement of indigenous peoples and the destruction of ecosystems. The report concludes by recommending a legally binding international framework for corporate regulation and the recognition of indigenous land rights to protect forest biodiversity.

The report by Friends of the Earth International details 22 campaigns against multinational corporations across various sectors—including mining, oil, logging, and biotechnology—that are accused of destroying biodiversity and harming local communities. It highlights the failure of corporate self-regulation and 'greenwashing' strategies, specifically criticizing the outcomes of the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the approach of the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit. The document calls for the recognition of 'ecological debt' owed by Northern industrial nations to the Global South and demands a binding legal framework to ensure corporate accountability, including the right of communities to be consulted and to receive compensation for damages.

On 15 March 2002, General François Bozizé seized control of Bangui and the Central African Republic, suspending the constitution and dissolving parliament. While the African Union expressed public disapproval, regional leaders and France showed limited support for the deposed President Patassé, who had become dependent on Libyan forces and Congolese rebels. Bozizé has appointed Dr Abel Goumba as prime minister and intends to seek post-conflict assistance from the World Bank and IMF to address government insolvency and civil service salary arrears.

Civil society representatives from Chad and Cameroon argue that the International Advisory Group (IAG) lacks a mandate to address human rights violations, lacks true independence from the World Bank and national governments, and fails to hold oil companies accountable for environmental and social damages.

The Harare Declaration, adopted during the first African Conference on Debt and Development (AfCoDD) in August 2021, calls for a systemic overhaul of the global debt architecture to address the vulnerabilities of African nations. It highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty and debt burdens, potentially pushing 39 million Africans into extreme poverty. The document criticizes the current system for prioritizing creditor interests over social and environmental justice, noting a shift toward commercial bonds and a lack of transparency in debt contraction. To counter this, the declaration proposes the creation of an African Monitoring and Control Mechanism, a Monetary Fund, and an African Bank. It further advocates for a feminist approach to macroeconomics, a green recovery aligned with the AU's Agenda 2063, and the possibility of collective debt default to break the cycle of neoliberal dependency.

The document examines how rising debt burdens in Africa lead to austerity measures that compromise basic human rights, such as health and education. It highlights the success of previous debt relief initiatives like HIPC and MDRI while calling for a human rights-based approach to current debt management and the revamping of the G20 Common Framework.

The document highlights that just 1% of Cameroon's estimated superhot rock geothermal resource could provide 427 GW of energy capacity, far exceeding the country's 2021 electricity consumption of 7,937 GWh. While unlikely to meet 2030 climate goals, this technology could theoretically replace all coal and gas in the electricity sector, reducing emissions by approximately 2 megatonnes of CO2eq. The report emphasizes the technology's low land footprint (12 km² per 1 GW) and its potential to address energy poverty, as over 35% of Cameroon's population currently lacks electricity access.

The case study examines 'The Economics of Adaptation, Water Security and Climate Resilient Development in Africa' programme (2013-2015), which trained over 130 professionals across eight African nations. It highlights the effectiveness of combining professional workshops with mandatory Action Plans and mentor-mentee relationships to bridge the gap between training and implementation. Key outcomes included the integration of climate change into Tunisia's national planning terms of reference and the approval of a flood management project in Maputo, Mozambique.

The CDKN's Africa START research call provides £300,000 for 16 projects and £150,000 for management and a learning forum. The funded research addresses diverse climate risks across Africa, including forest degradation in Nigeria and Cameroon, water management in Benin and Ethiopia, and coastal lagoon sensitivity in North Africa, all aimed at enhancing food security and rural livelihoods.

The WACDEP capacity development programme (2012-2015) trained approximately 140 participants across eight African countries to identify and implement 'no/low regret' investments for water security. The programme emphasized national ownership, the use of local trainers, and the integration of training with active national policy processes. Key results included the enhancement of Burkina Faso's National Adaptation Planning process, the development of a funded urban flood management project in Maputo, Mozambique, and the revision of water and land planning Terms of Reference in Tunisia. The brief concludes that decentralised management and mentor-supported learning are critical for translating capacity building into tangible development outcomes.

This briefing outlines the Terms of Reference, composition, and scope of the International Advisory Group (IAG) established to monitor the Chad-Cameroon Petroleum Development and Pipeline Project. The IAG is an independent body designed to advise the World Bank Group (WBG) and the governments of Chad and Cameroon on the project's progress toward social, environmental, and poverty alleviation goals.

The report documents a global pattern of violence and legal harassment against land and environmental rights defenders in 2013. It argues that these individuals, often representing vulnerable indigenous or rural communities, are targeted by governments and corporations during conflicts over natural resources and large-scale development projects. The document provides specific case studies from Europe, the Americas, Africa, and Asia, detailing arrests, assassinations, and forced displacements linked to opposition to mining, hydroelectric dams, agribusiness, and oil exploration.

The document argues that the export of pesticides prohibited or not approved in Europe (EU, Switzerland, and the UK) to parties of the Bamako Convention in Africa and the Central American Agreement constitutes a violation of international law. It asserts that these substances are classified as hazardous waste under the national laws of importing countries and the terms of these regional agreements, thereby breaching the Basel Convention. Furthermore, the text claims that these exports violate international human rights obligations regarding the right to health. The analysis extends to other exporting nations like Canada, China, and Russia, concluding that all Basel Convention parties must immediately prohibit the export of such hazardous chemicals.

The document argues that exporting pesticides banned in their country of origin to Africa and Central America violates the Bamako Convention, the Central American Agreement, and the Basel Convention, as these substances are defined as hazardous waste by the importing nations. It asserts that European states and other Basel Convention parties (such as Canada, China, and Russia) are failing their international legal and human rights obligations by allowing this trade, which harms health and ecosystems in low- and middle-income countries.

The document catalogues alleged human rights implications across numerous international projects in sectors such as mining, energy, and forestry. It organizes these cases by the specific right implicated, including the rights to adequate food, housing, health, and life, as well as freedoms from forced labor and torture. The case studies highlight recurring issues such as forced resettlement, environmental contamination of water and land, the use of military force to suppress protests, and inadequate compensation for displaced populations.

The report argues that pesticides banned in their country of manufacture are classified as 'hazardous wastes' under the Bamako Convention and the Central American Agreement. Because many importing nations in Africa and Central America have monist legal systems or specific domestic laws incorporating these definitions, the report concludes that exporting such substances from Basel Convention parties (including the EU, UK, and Switzerland) violates the Basel Convention, international customary law, and the extraterritorial human rights obligation to protect the right to health.