Search Climate Insights Directory

The document examines the nexus between climate change and local conflict in the Central African Republic, highlighting how environmental stressors like drought and flooding exacerbate tensions over land and water. Based on consultations in Damara and Landja-Mboko, it argues that current adaptation plans lack systematic integration of the climate-conflict link. It provides detailed recommendations for government ministries, local authorities, and the private sector to promote peace-sensitive adaptation, including securing transhumance corridors, improving land tenure, and diversifying livelihoods for vulnerable groups.

The report identifies 140 organizations and institutions in the Central African Republic operating at the intersection of gender and climate change adaptation. It assesses their technical capacities, influence, and engagement levels, highlighting a systemic gap in 'nexus' expertise—the ability to integrate gender and climate adaptation systematically. While national civil society organizations possess high mobilization and influence capabilities, they lack specific technical expertise. Conversely, international agencies and government bodies have higher technical skills but limited political influence or resources. The report recommends strengthening the capacity of all stakeholders, establishing focal points across all ministries, and creating a multi-actor dialogue space involving high-level political decision-makers and technical and financial partners to implement the National Gender and Climate Change Strategy (SNGCC).

The document analyzes Russia's strategic use of public media (RT, Sputnik, TASS) and social media to expand its influence in Africa. It highlights the use of anti-imperialist rhetoric to appeal to African audiences and the deployment of 'troll farms' and local proxies to disseminate polarizing content. Case studies on Mali, Libya, and the Central African Republic illustrate how Russia combines digital influence with on-the-ground activities, such as funding local press and sponsoring cultural events, to present itself as a viable alternative to Western partners, despite operating with a limited budget.

The Central African Republic's National Gender and Climate Change Strategy (NGCCS) 2023–2030 seeks to integrate gender equality and social inclusion (GESI) into all climate actions. The strategy is jointly led by the Ministry of the Environment and Sustainable Development (MEDD) and the Ministry of Gender Affairs and the Protection of Women, Families and Children (MPGPFFE). It identifies five strategic areas of focus: governance and finance, priority sector actions, capacity strengthening, awareness-raising, and the empowerment of women and vulnerable groups. Out of 112 total actions, 31 have been prioritized with an estimated cost of USD 575,000. These priority activities include establishing gender and climate focal points in ministries, creating a GESI and climate database, and promoting gender-sensitive budgeting in climate finance.

The National Gender and Climate Change Strategy (SNGCC) 2023–2030 of the Central African Republic seeks to integrate gender equality and social inclusion (EGIS) into all climate actions to ensure sustainable and equitable results. The strategy is structured around five strategic axes: governance and finance, sector-specific actions, capacity building, communication, and the empowerment of women and vulnerable groups. It identifies 112 total actions, with 31 prioritized activities estimated to cost 575,000 USD. Implementation is led jointly by the Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development (MEDD) and the Ministry for the Promotion of Gender, Protection of Women, Family and Children (MPGPFFE).

The National Gender and Climate Change Strategy (SNGCC) of the Central African Republic (2023–2030) aims to institutionalize a gender and social inclusion approach across all climate actions. It identifies agriculture and water resources as the most vulnerable sectors and outlines five strategic axes: governance and financing, sector-specific actions, capacity building, communication, and the empowerment of women and vulnerable groups. The strategy includes a detailed action plan with 31 priority activities for 2023–2026, budgeted at 351 million FCFA (approximately 575,000 USD), to be co-managed by the Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development and the Ministry for the Promotion of Gender.

The report examines the intersection of gender inequality and climate change in the Central African Republic, highlighting how socio-cultural norms, poverty, and conflict exacerbate the vulnerability of women. It assesses the current status of the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) and the national institutional framework for gender equality, finding significant gaps in women's access to land, decision-making roles, and education. The document concludes with specific recommendations for 'enabling activities'—such as improving sex-disaggregated data collection and strengthening institutional coordination—and 'operational priorities' across the agriculture, livestock, water resources, and education sectors to ensure climate adaptation is gender-responsive.

The report argues that the Central African Republic remains trapped in a cycle of violence despite numerous peace agreements, most recently the 2019 Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation. It finds that the 2019 agreement is untenable because key provisions, such as the creation of mixed special security units (MSSUs) and an inclusive government, have failed to deter armed groups from continuing violence and controlling territory. The author highlights a 'war economy' where armed groups and some government officials benefit from instability and the illicit exploitation of resources. Furthermore, the report suggests that heavy reliance on international humanitarian aid has inadvertently reduced state responsibility and created local resentment. It recommends a comprehensive plan involving the African Union, ECCAS, and the UN that focuses on rebuilding the economic fabric, securing borders through regional cooperation with Chad, Sudan, and South Sudan, and establishing time-bound objectives for self-reliance.

The report documents a general decline in open domestic ivory markets across Central Africa from 2007 to 2015, with trade shifting toward underground transactions and raw ivory exports to Asia, particularly China. While most cities saw a near total disappearance of displayed ivory, Kinshasa remained a significant hub. The decline is attributed to increased law enforcement, rising raw ivory prices driven by Asian demand, and crashing elephant populations. The report also highlights severe deficiencies in government stockpile management, with an estimated 56,497 kg of ivory leaking from state custody between 1990 and 2015.

The report examines African election trends in 2016, noting that while multi-party elections are now standard, many processes are undermined by 'constitutional coups', the removal of term limits, and electoral irregularities. It details specific cases of instability and incumbent persistence in countries like the Central African Republic, Uganda, and the Republic of Congo, while contrasting these with more stable prospects in South Africa and Ghana.

The statement analyzes South Africa's role in the BRICS forum and its aspirations for global governance reform, while cautioning that domestic instability and military setbacks in the Central African Republic may undermine its international prestige and leadership in Africa.

On 15 March 2002, General François Bozizé seized control of Bangui and the Central African Republic, suspending the constitution and dissolving parliament. While the African Union expressed public disapproval, regional leaders and France showed limited support for the deposed President Patassé, who had become dependent on Libyan forces and Congolese rebels. Bozizé has appointed Dr Abel Goumba as prime minister and intends to seek post-conflict assistance from the World Bank and IMF to address government insolvency and civil service salary arrears.

The report details how armed groups in the Central African Republic, specifically the Seleka and anti-balaka, have systematically exploited diamond resources to fund violence. It highlights the failure of the Kimberley Process suspension to stop the flow of diamonds, which are 'naturalised' in neighbouring countries like Cameroon to enter international markets. The document warns that the introduction of 'compliant zones' for legal exports risks legitimising conflict diamonds, particularly those amassed in stockpiles by buying houses like Sodiam and Badica during the export ban.