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The report identifies the top ten business constraints in the SADC region to facilitate policy dialogue and practical solutions. By reviewing World Bank data, World Economic Forum reports, and various Business Climate Surveys, the authors found that SADC countries generally perform poorly in ease of doing business, with Mauritius ranking 23rd and the Democratic Republic of Congo ranking 178th in 2012. The final list of top constraints includes issues such as access to finance, tax administration, lack of skilled labour, policy uncertainty, and infrastructure deficits.

The SADC FTA, launched in 2008 based on a 2000 Trade Protocol, aimed for virtually all intra-regional trade to be duty-free by 2012. While compliance with tariff phase-downs has been generally high, the document notes that only 11 of the 14 member states are fully participating, with the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola not implementing the protocol due to economic recovery needs. Challenges persist regarding the restrictive nature of revised rules of origin, the lack of a verification process for non-tariff barrier exceptions, and significant delays in customs clearance compared to trade with non-SADC markets.

The document highlights that the agriculture sector is exceptionally vulnerable to climate extremes due to its dependence on natural resources. It argues that disaster risk is increasing not only due to climate change but also because more vulnerable people and assets are exposed to these events. The brief advocates for a shift from short-term coping mechanisms to long-term transformational approaches, such as 'climate-smart agriculture', and emphasizes the need for integrated national disaster risk management systems that combine local knowledge with scientific data.

This report documents the 5th African Conference of Commandants (ACoC), held from 28–30 November 2011 in Gaborone, Botswana. The conference brought together commandants from African Staff Colleges to discuss the impact of globalisation on human rights, the proliferation of small arms, gender equality in the military, and the standardisation of military education to support the African Standby Force (ASF) and peace support operations (PSOs).

The report analyzes the geopolitical tensions arising from natural gas discoveries in the Cyprus Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), particularly the conflict between the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and Turkey. It explores how these resources could either catalyze a political settlement or exacerbate regional instability. Additionally, it provides a comparative analysis of wealth management, contrasting the 'resource curse' seen in Sudan with the successful 'Norwegian model' to offer guidance for Cyprus on avoiding economic pitfalls like 'Dutch disease'.

The document analyses the political economy of the Doha Round's 'end-game' and its impact on South Africa. It highlights a conflict between South Africa's state-driven industrial policy and the liberalisation demands of the NAMA-agriculture 'exchange rate'. The authors argue that South Africa's interests are best served by preserving a NAMA carve-out for the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and offering concessions in the services sector—specifically in telecommunications, transport, and energy—to secure agricultural gains from developed nations.

The research paper examines the stalled Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations between the EU and the SADC, highlighting that the Trade Cooperation and Development Agreement (TDCA) already liberalises most trade between South Africa and the EU. It identifies agricultural market access and the EU's demand for the protection of geographical indications (GIs) as the primary remaining points of contention. The author argues that because South Africa refuses to negotiate on services, investment, and competition policy, concessions on agriculture may be the only way to reach a deal, which could potentially undermine the Southern African Customs Union's common external tariff if a final agreement is not reached by 1 January 2014.

The document analyzes the surge of foreign investment in African agricultural land and water, driven by global food and biofuel demand. It highlights systemic issues including the neglect of existing land rights, lack of community consultation, and failure to conduct environmental impact assessments. The author argues that parliamentarians must actively oversee investment contracts and treaties to prevent the prioritization of investor interests over local food security and environmental protection.

The document examines the surge of foreign investment in African agricultural land and water, driven by demand for food and biofuels. It highlights systemic failures in governance, including the disregard for local land rights, lack of community consultation, and the absence of environmental impact assessments. It argues that the current legal landscape—dominated by investor-centric international treaties and contracts—often undermines local food security and environmental protection. The briefing urges parliamentarians to demand transparency, access to investment contracts, and a role in the ratification and monitoring of these deals to ensure sustainable development and the protection of vulnerable populations, particularly women.

The document argues that SADC's approach to the Zimbabwean crisis is heavily shaped by a 'club of brother presidents' mentality, where former liberation movements (including ZANU–PF, ANC, MPLA, FRELIMO, SWAPO, and CCM) prioritize solidarity over democratic pressure. This historical conservatism has led to a policy of 'quiet diplomacy' and a reluctance to compel ZANU–PF to fully implement the Global Political Agreement (GPA). The author notes that ZANU–PF has strategically reinvented its history to strengthen ties with regional partners and frame the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as a Western 'Trojan Horse'. The paper concludes that the MDC's lack of liberation credentials isolates it within a region where ruling parties still derive legitimacy from anti-colonial struggles.

The document examines the role of services in SADC economies, noting that while the sector is a primary driver of GDP and employment, it is often characterized by inefficiency and high costs. It compares two primary regulatory frameworks: the EU-SADC EPA, which is described as more ambitious and driven by EU interests, and the SADC Protocol on Trade in Services, which is viewed as less ambitious and unlikely to push member states beyond existing WTO commitments. The authors argue that external agreements may provide the necessary stimulus for domestic regulatory reform where political or capacity constraints hinder unilateral action.

The paper argues that while efficient services are essential for industrialisation, generalised services trade liberalisation is not the optimal strategy for South Africa or other developing countries. It highlights the critical linkages between manufacturing and services, noting that manufacturing acts as a primary source of demand for the services sector and that a decline in manufacturing would adversely affect job creation. The author warns against 'premature deindustrialisation' and the loss of policy space resulting from 'GATS-plus' obligations in North-South regional and bilateral agreements, particularly those involving the EU and US. The document concludes that South Africa needs a strategic services trade policy aligned with its Trade Policy and Strategy Framework (TPSF) and industrial goals, rather than a blanket approach to liberalisation.

The report examines seven transboundary river basins—Congo, Okavango, Red, La Plata, Danube, Mekong, and Jordan—to evaluate how ecosystem services (ES) are integrated into Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM). It finds that while IWRM planning is common, actual implementation is weak and often focuses on traditional services like hydropower and navigation, neglecting critical ES such as carbon sequestration and flood regulation. The authors argue that moving toward an ES-based 'benefit-sharing' model, supported by economic instruments like Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES), can overcome political, institutional, and financial barriers to sustainable transboundary water management.

The Policy-Adjusted IRP 2010-2030 outlines South Africa's strategy for electricity generation expansion and demand-side management. It recommends a diversified energy mix including 9.6 GW of nuclear, 6.3 GW of new coal, and 17.8 GW of renewables (wind, solar PV, and CSP) to balance security of supply, economic growth, and carbon emission constraints. The plan emphasizes accelerating renewable energy to foster local industry and includes a Medium Term Risk Mitigation Project to address anticipated supply shortfalls between 2011 and 2016 through demand response and increased generation availability.

The briefing argues that South Africa does not unilaterally control SACU revenue or deliberately hinder the growth of other member states. It clarifies that recent funding decreases for Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland (BLNS) resulted from the 2008-2009 global recession rather than changes to the revenue sharing formula. The text highlights that South Africa contributes significantly more to the revenue pool than it receives, noting that in 2008/9 it contributed over ZAR45 billion but received just over ZAR21 billion. It further asserts that other SACU members, such as Namibia and Botswana, successfully attract their own investment and provide domestic industrial incentives. Finally, it frames South Africa's proposal to reform the revenue sharing formula as an effort to provide greater income stability for BLNS countries rather than an attempt to collapse the union.

The report examines the World Bank's 3.75 billion dollar loan to Eskom for the Medupi coal-fired power plant, asserting that the Bank's Economic Analysis ignored critical environmental and social costs. It highlights failures to assess transboundary impacts on Botswana, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique, as well as domestic risks regarding water scarcity, water quality, and air pollution. The authors argue that this pattern of under-valuing externalities leads to over-investment in large-scale centralized fossil fuel projects at the expense of decentralized renewables.

The research paper argues that South Africa's trade protectionism creates a net negative effect on social welfare by distorting the economy through four main channels: exchange rate, input demand, purchasing power, and retaliation. It highlights that while specific industries gain, the broader economy suffers from reduced GDP, higher costs for downstream industries, and lower productivity. The author criticizes recent government industrial policies for relying on interventionist tools and 'picking winners,' suggesting instead a shift toward unilateral liberalisation, a rule-based tariff structure using the Swiss formula, and the opening of service markets.

The document examines Angola's economic performance between 2002 and 2008, highlighting the risks associated with high oil intensity and the potential for 'peak oil' between 2010 and 2025. It argues that while the oil sector has a positive direct impact on the non-oil sector, a poor business climate and weak public spending effectiveness hinder broader development. The author recommends prioritizing domestic capital investment over the creation of a national wealth fund and emphasizes the need for transparent public finance management and democratic stability to ensure long-term economic sustainability.

India's engagement with Africa has evolved from a post-colonial focus on decolonisation and non-alignment to a pragmatic 'enlightened national interest' approach. This modern strategy is driven by India's need for energy security, specifically crude petroleum, and its ambition for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Trade has grown significantly, with bilateral trade reaching $39 billion in 2008–09, and Indian investment has expanded across hydrocarbons, mining, agriculture, and ICT. India continues to support African capacity building through the ITEC programme and the Pan-African e-network project, aiming to marry its traditional idealistic goals with contemporary economic and strategic needs.

The document analyzes the intersection of global financial regulatory reforms (Basel III, G20) and regional trade negotiations in the SADC region. It argues that while the 2008 crisis did not directly collapse South African banks, the resulting 'second-round' effects—liquidity freezes and increased risk premiums—severely impacted trade and project finance. The author concludes that G20-driven reforms, adopted by South Africa, will likely act as new, non-negotiable barriers to trade in financial services across the SADC region, potentially reducing cross-border lending to non-investment grade African countries.