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The report concludes that the Montreal Protocol's integrated system of trade restrictions and positive incentives has been effective in achieving near-universal ratification and significantly reducing global emissions of ozone-depleting substances (ODS). Trade measures, such as bans on imports and exports of ODS and products containing them, created economic pressures that encouraged non-parties to join or comply to maintain market access. Simultaneously, positive measures—including a ten-year grace period for Article 5 parties, a financial mechanism (the Multilateral Fund), and technology transfer—lowered the economic and political barriers for developing countries. The report highlights a strong correlation between the implementation of these measures and spikes in ratification rates, particularly among export-dependent Asian economies and major ODS producers. While some Article 5 parties saw increased consumption during their grace periods, the overall global use of Annex A and B substances fell by 80% from baseline levels by 1995.

The document serves as a reference tool to track the recognition of Indigenous Peoples' rights and traditional knowledge within the UNFCCC process, highlighting over 60 decisions and the establishment of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform.

The document examines how the draft FTAA IPR Chapter imposes standards exceeding the WTO's TRIPS Agreement, potentially hindering public health, food security, and technological development in the Americas by restricting compulsory licensing and expanding patent scopes.

The document analyzes the draft IPR chapter of the FTAA, noting that while some options allow nations to limit patents on living creatures, no proposal explicitly prohibits them. It highlights a trend toward tightening IPR protections, including US proposals to mandate UPOV for plant protection and the removal of language promoting technology transfer and transparency, which the author argues harms development concerns.

The document assesses the Protocol to the Convention on Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution on Persistent Organic Pollutants (LRTAP POPs Protocol) against the needs of global negotiations. It argues that while the Protocol is a useful first step, it is an inadequate model for a global treaty because it focuses on risk management and emission control rather than total elimination, lacks provisions for developing countries, and relies on a regional framework of developed nations.

The document examines the relationship between the World Trade Organization (WTO) and Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs), arguing that WTO negotiations should preserve MEAs as co-equal bodies of law. It suggests that the WTO's focus on 'least trade restrictive' measures may conflict with the core purpose of many MEAs, which is to regulate or restrict trade in hazardous materials or endangered species. To improve compatibility, the text proposes several practical steps, including sustainability assessments of trade rules, the transfer of environmentally sound technologies via the TRIPS Agreement, and increased coordination between national trade and environment officials. Ultimately, it calls for a multilateral process involving government and non-governmental organizations to ensure coherent international economic and environmental law.

This research paper proposes a 'combined strategy' to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by integrating international marketable permits, emissions fees, and country commitments. The author argues that while industrial countries are the primary source of emissions, a successful global regime must balance the economic stability of industrial nations with the development needs and fairness concerns of developing countries.

This briefing describes the establishment, organizational structure, and financing of the Montreal Protocol Multilateral Fund, designed to provide financial and technical assistance to developing countries to phase out ozone-depleting substances.

The document analyzes the 1992 Framework Convention on Climate Change, detailing the scientific consensus on global warming and the diplomatic tensions between industrialized and developing nations during its creation. It highlights the lack of binding emissions targets and the complexities of the financial mechanism and technology transfer.

The document argues that the 2026 JTWP dialogues should be structured around international cooperation, technical assistance, capacity-building, and knowledge sharing to inform the design of the Just Transition Mechanism. Drawing on research from the Global South, it highlights critical gaps in financing for social protection, the risks of extractive dynamics in critical mineral supply chains, and the need for technology co-development rather than simple transfer. It specifically identifies needs for better disaggregated data in countries like Uganda and Kenya, and the risk of 'greening elsewhere' in Indonesia due to coal-powered nickel smelting.

The executive summary examines domestic climate policy implementation in developing countries through six case studies in Brazil, Ghana, India, South Africa, and China. It argues that while development co-benefits drive domestic support, resource constraints and competing priorities hinder progress. The document proposes that international support—including technical assistance, technology cooperation, and financial resources for incremental costs—can overcome these barriers. It specifically advocates for the use of intermediate policy indicators for monitoring and incentive schemes, rather than relying solely on long-term emissions reductions, to provide early rewards and flexibility.

The Mitigation Work Programme (MWP), established at COP27 to scale up actions for the 1.5°C goal, operates as a non-punitive and non-prescriptive framework respecting national sovereignty. Recent SB62 outcomes show agreement on the MWP's role in facilitating dialogue, but highlight significant disagreements regarding the integration of Global Stocktake outcomes, links to NDCs, and the utility of a proposed digital platform. Party positions vary: the EU, Switzerland, and Australia advocate for a fossil fuel phase-out roadmap; the Africa Group and Arab States oppose mandate expansion; and AOSIS emphasizes urgent alignment with the 1.5°C goal. An informal note will guide discussions toward COP30, with a specific focus on waste sector mitigation and circular economy approaches during a global dialogue event in Addis Ababa on September 5th-6th, 2025.

The report details a workshop in Cameroon that led to the creation of the Réseau Afrique Carbone & Changement Climatique (RAC3), a network designed to amplify African civil society voices in carbon market negotiations. It highlights the historical under-representation of Africa in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and discusses the potential benefits of 'vintage restrictions' under the new Sustainable Development Mechanism (SDM) to encourage new projects. The event also addressed the role of African NGOs in monitoring the environmental integrity of aviation offsets under CORSIA and noted the need for increased advocacy to raise ambition regarding aviation emission reductions in Cameroon.

A joint NGO statement arguing that the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) must remove the overlap with free ETS allowances, expand its sectoral scope, provide special considerations for vulnerable nations, and redirect all revenues to international climate finance to avoid being a 'protectionist' measure.

The document argues that current climate policies focus too heavily on demand-side restrictions and must be supplemented by a binding global treaty to constrain the production and supply of fossil fuels. It highlights that fossil fuels have contributed nearly 80% of carbon dioxide emissions since the industrial revolution and that air pollution from their combustion caused nearly one in five global deaths in 2018. The authors call for an equitable transition where wealthier nations reduce production faster and provide financial and technological support to poorer countries.

This fact sheet by Friends of the Earth International examines the role of Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) in the lead-up to the Paris Agreement. It argues that the current system of self-proposed national plans is insufficient to limit global warming to 1.5°C and that developed nations are failing to acknowledge their historical responsibility. The document advocates for a 'fair share' approach based on a global carbon budget to determine equitable national responsibilities for mitigation, adaptation, and finance.

The document outlines a framework for climate equity, asserting that developed nations owe an ecological debt to developing nations due to historical overconsumption. It advocates for a global carbon budget apportioned by responsibility, capacity, and the right to sustainable societies, while calling for a systemic shift away from neoliberalism toward community-owned energy and agroecology to limit global warming to 1.5°C.

The factsheet defines Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) as national climate plans proposed by governments for the Paris agreement. It criticizes current pledges from developed countries as insufficient and narrow in scope, often ignoring adaptation and historical responsibility. The document advocates for a 'fair shares' approach, which involves setting a global carbon budget to limit warming to 1.5°C and dividing that budget among nations based on their responsibility and capacity, rather than relying on self-proposed contributions.

The document advocates for a global carbon budget distributed according to historical responsibility, capacity, and the right to sustainable societies. It asserts that developed countries owe a climate debt to developing nations and must provide funding and technology without intellectual property restrictions. It calls for a systemic shift away from neoliberalism and fossil fuels toward community-owned renewable energy and agroecology to limit global warming to 1.5°C.

The fact sheet critiques the INDC process, noting that many developed nations have submitted insufficient commitments that focus solely on mitigation while ignoring adaptation and historical responsibility. It argues that allowing countries to self-determine their contributions risks a global temperature increase of 4 to 6°C. As an alternative, it advocates for a 'fair share' system where a global carbon budget is allocated based on responsibility, capacity, and the right to sustainable societies, supporting a broader energy revolution focused on justice and community-owned renewables.