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The report evaluates the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and its impact on the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) and developing nations. It finds that a significant portion of CDM projects lack additionality, leading to global emission increases and reduced domestic abatement in Europe. The authors argue that the CDM has failed to facilitate meaningful technology transfer or support a systemic shift to low-carbon development in host countries, often subsidizing carbon-intensive activities instead. To address these failures, the report proposes supply-side restrictions on project eligibility and demand-side reforms in the EU, such as auctioning the right to use CERs, to ensure the mechanism serves as a transitional tool rather than a permanent subsidy regime.

The report finds that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has largely failed to meet its core objectives of additionality, sustainable development, and low-carbon technology transfer. In the EU, the use of CDM credits has significantly reduced domestic abatement efforts, potentially increasing global emissions by 30 to 106 million tonnes of CO2eq between 2008 and 2009 due to non-additional projects. The authors argue that the CDM often subsidizes carbon-intensive activities and creates perverse incentives that discourage developing countries from implementing national mitigation policies. To realign results with climate goals, the report proposes limiting project eligibility to those providing long-term sustainable benefits, differentiating crediting periods by project type, and introducing tradable or institutionally procured usage rights within the EU ETS.

The document argues that climate compatible development (CCD) planning in developing countries is often skewed toward external accountability to secure international finance, which can lead to ineffective domestic outcomes. To address this, the authors analyze experiences from the Rio Conventions and Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) processes, recommending multi-stakeholder engagement, evidence-based planning, wide communication, integrated planning across sectors and scales, and robust monitoring and evaluation to ensure that CCD strategies address real domestic needs while meeting international standards.

The authors argue that current community-scale emissions targets, such as 80% reductions by 2050, do not account for the UNFCCC principle of "common but differentiated responsibility." By applying the Greenhouse Development Rights (GDR) framework to Seattle, the study finds that an equitable global obligation would require the city to become carbon "negative" before 2020. This does not imply physical sequestration but rather a role where wealthy cities dramatically reduce their own emissions while financing low-carbon transitions in developing regions. The paper suggests that communities can use offsets or direct technology and financial transfers to meet these obligations and recommends that local governments integrate global equity into their official climate action plans.

The briefing argues that meeting climate mitigation and adaptation challenges in developing countries requires more than just technology transfer; it requires a 'systems of innovation' approach. It proposes Climate Innovation Centres (CICs) as multi-disciplinary, facilitating organisations located in developing countries to bridge gaps in the innovation chain, such as adapting technologies to local conditions, creating markets, and designing policy regimes. The document highlights that different technologies and countries have unique innovation needs, meaning no 'cookie-cutter' formula exists. It cites India's National Biomass Cookstove Initiative as an illustrative example of this innovation-centered approach.

The policy brief argues that the steel sector, responsible for 5% of global CO2 emissions, requires a dedicated international negotiation forum within the UNFCCC to overcome competitiveness fears and leakage. It proposes a 'bottom-up' approach where existing national policies—such as China's energy efficiency targets and India's 'Perform, Achieve and Trade'—serve as building blocks. The author identifies six abatement categories ranging from closing inefficient plants to developing breakthrough technologies, noting that carbon pricing alone is insufficient to realize these opportunities. The brief recommends that the UNFCCC establish a steel-specific forum involving both government and industry to coordinate technology transfers, minimum standards for new plants, and funding for Carbon Capture & Storage (CCS).

The briefing argues that the steel sector, which accounts for 5% of global CO2 emissions, requires a dedicated international framework to prevent emissions growth driven by demand. It recommends a 'bottom-up' approach using existing national policies—such as China's energy efficiency targets and India's 'Perform, Achieve and Trade'—as building blocks. To overcome competitiveness fears and carbon leakage, the author proposes establishing a steel-specific negotiation forum within the UNFCCC. This forum would address six abatement categories, ranging from closing inefficient plants to developing breakthrough technologies, and would integrate technical industry expertise to ensure ambitious national commitments.

The report examines the tension between trade growth and environmental sustainability in the Greater Mekong Subregion, highlighting how trade liberalization and infrastructure development contribute to environmental degradation. It identifies a lack of legally binding environmental commitments and weak enforcement capacities as primary obstacles. The document proposes specific measures to combat illegal wildlife and timber trade and suggests mainstreaming climate change into the ASEAN Institutional Framework for Economic Cooperation.

The report argues that reducing global carbon dioxide emissions requires a shift from a narrow focus on R&D to a broader 'public works' model of innovation. It outlines four key principles: expanding innovation policy beyond R&D to include deployment and non-technical barriers; pursuing diverse technology and institutional pathways; treating CO2 reduction as a public good to justify government procurement and demonstration projects; and collaborating with rapidly industrializing nations. The document specifically illustrates these principles by suggesting the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) could accelerate building efficiency and small modular nuclear reactor (SMR) development through its unique procurement and infrastructure capabilities.

The document is the 12th issue of the Sur International Journal on Human Rights, focusing on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and their alignment with human rights. A central component is an analysis of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under the Kyoto Protocol, arguing that while the CDM facilitates investment and technology transfer to the Global South, it lacks a robust rights-based approach, fails to ensure equitable geographical distribution of projects, and lacks effective accountability and grievance mechanisms. The issue also includes discussions on maternal health, the right to health (MDG 6), indigenous peoples' rights, and corporate human rights obligations.

The document argues that agriculture is a critical but historically marginalized sector in climate negotiations, offering significant short-term greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction potential, particularly in developing nations. It reviews the status of UNFCCC negotiations, the Copenhagen Accord, and the Global Research Alliance on Agricultural Greenhouse Gases. The report highlights Canada's leadership in GHG accounting and soil carbon sequestration, suggesting that Canada can improve its international reputation by providing capacity building and technology transfer to regions like Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia. It recommends establishing a dedicated agriculture and climate change fund and supporting an SBSTA programme of work to integrate agricultural mitigation into post-2012 climate agreements.

The report examines how the WTO Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM Agreement) creates legal uncertainty for climate mitigation tools. It analyzes specific issues such as carbon allowances, carbon leakage, and renewable energy subsidies, arguing that the current 'benefit' and 'specificity' criteria often fail to account for market failures and historical fossil fuel distortions. The author proposes four alternative legal paths: extending GATT Article XX general exceptions to the SCM Agreement, reviving 'non-actionable' subsidy categories based on Kyoto Protocol goals, broadening environmental goods and services negotiations to include non-tariff measures, or establishing a UNFCCC-driven waiver system.

The document examines Singapore's use of financial incentives to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) in the biomedical sciences (BMS) sector. While the sector saw significant growth in FDI and employment between 2000 and 2007, the report notes that its total employment capacity is limited compared to other manufacturing sectors like electronics. It argues that incentives must be part of a broader industrial policy to avoid reducing national welfare through competitive bidding and suggests focusing on specific disease areas where Singapore has a comparative advantage.

The document examines how the Japanese steel industry, a major global producer, can engage in climate mitigation under post-2012 frameworks. It contrasts sectoral approaches—which are favored by energy-intensive industries to prevent carbon leakage and maintain competitiveness—with cap-and-trade systems. The author proposes four options for integration: incorporating sectoral approaches into Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) or CDM reforms, establishing agreements outside the UNFCCC, relying on non-binding recognition of commitments, or implementing transnational sectoral trading. It concludes that while the Japanese government's support for sectoral approaches shifted under the Hatoyama administration, the industry continues to support them due to low costs and international competition risks.

The document examines the intersection of the right to development and climate change, focusing on the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). It argues that while the CDM facilitates technology transfer and emissions reductions, it lacks sufficient human rights safeguards, equitable geographical distribution, and accountability mechanisms. The author proposes integrating a rights-based approach (RBA) and refining the High-Level Task Force's (HLTF) evaluation criteria to include science-based decision-making and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR).

The research paper analyzes Germany's engagement with the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) up to July 2009, arguing that both the global mechanism and German state policy prioritize the quantity of Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) over the quality of sustainable development. The author finds that German projects are heavily concentrated in Asia, particularly China and India, and are dominated by large-scale industrial 'end-of-pipe' projects that offer minimal sustainable development benefits. The document concludes that the German government uses the CDM primarily as a tool for economic and export promotion rather than as a means to achieve genuine climate and development goals, thereby 'abusing' the mechanism's original purpose.

The report examines the intersection of trade and climate change in the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam). It argues that while ASEAN promotes economic integration and trade liberalization, these frameworks often lack explicit climate change commitments, potentially increasing the region's vulnerability. The document highlights projected climate risks—such as sea-level rise, altered precipitation, and temperature increases—that threaten agricultural production and natural resources. It concludes that ASEAN's trade agreements (FTAs/EPAs) generally fail to incorporate climate risk assessments or mitigation strategies, recommending the mainstreaming of climate concerns into economic cooperation frameworks.

The BASIC group—comprising Brazil, South Africa, India, and China—leverages its collective economic and geopolitical weight to advocate for developing country interests in climate negotiations, specifically demanding that industrialised countries bear primary responsibility for emission reductions and funding. While the group presents a 'common front' and aligns with the G77, it faces internal tensions due to vastly different domestic realities: China's superpower status, India's low per capita emissions, Brazil's focus on land-use emissions, and South Africa's coal-dependent energy sector. The brief suggests that while the group provides political shelter and leverage, its cohesion will be tested as negotiations move toward finer technical details and as South Africa prepares to host COP17.

The document assesses the contribution of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to sustainable development in China's biogas sector. It finds that while the CDM can attract foreign investment and technology, the lack of transparent national sustainable development criteria and low incentives for CER buyers to prioritize sustainability often lead to poorly designed projects with low efficiency. The study highlights a disparity between the industrial sector, where wastewater treatment is common, and the livestock sector, which faces significant technical and financial barriers. It concludes that the CDM's second objective—advancing sustainable development—is often undermined by a 'race to the bottom' in criteria setting and a lack of international agreement on sustainability standards.

The seminar, co-organized by the Institute for Security Studies and the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, highlighted Africa's vulnerability to climate change and the necessity of a united African position for the Copenhagen talks. Key discussions centered on the EU's commitment to a 30% emission reduction by 2020 and a pledge of 100 billion Euros for developing countries, as well as the need for technology transfer and financial compensation for Africa. The event also detailed the institutional framework of the African Union's common position, including the role of a ten-country committee headed by Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.