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The report concludes that Africa's current development trajectory is insufficient to meet Agenda 2063 and SDG goals, with 19.1% of the population projected to remain in extreme poverty by 2043. It argues that a 'Combined scenario' of coordinated reforms—including the full implementation of the AfCFTA, improved governance, and an accelerated energy transition—could lift GDP to nearly US$9 trillion and reduce extreme poverty to 10.9% by 2043. Key recommendations include doubling or tripling annual energy buildout through renewables and regional power pools, and prioritizing industrialization in agro-processing and mineral beneficiation.

The document argues that policy incoherence is driven not by poor coordination, but by power asymmetries, vested interests, and the prioritization of economic growth over social and environmental goals. Based on research in nine countries, it finds that fossil-fuel interests consistently drive incoherence and that vulnerable groups disproportionately bear the resulting burdens. It calls for a post-2030 framework that moves beyond 'synergies' to address distributional consequences and cross-border spillovers.

The report assesses the integration of GESI into Rwanda's mining adaptation strategies, identifying a gap between high-level policy commitments and the lack of disaggregated data in implementation. While Rwanda has set targets for climate-compatible practices and site rehabilitation, current monitoring fails to track the participation of women, youth, and persons with disabilities. The report recommends mandatory disaggregated reporting, participatory community mapping via GIS, and the creation of an Inclusive Adaptation Scorecard.

Uganda has developed a Just Transition Framework (JTF) to ensure that structural economic changes toward sustainability do not marginalize vulnerable groups, particularly informal workers and smallholder farmers. The framework is integrated into national planning cycles, including the Fourth National Development Plan (NDP IV), and emphasizes distributive, procedural, and restorative justice. While Uganda has established multi-stakeholder coordination and project screening tools, it faces significant barriers such as a lack of a national resettlement policy, high labor market informality (over 80%), and severe data gaps. The document calls for international grant-based support for labor economy modeling, the creation of a national resettlement policy, and programmatic finance for re-skilling and livelihood restoration.

The author contends that GDP growth fails to eradicate poverty and instead drives environmental degradation and social inequality. The text proposes a shift toward 'decommodifying' essential services and reducing inequality to achieve social wellbeing without relying on economic expansion.

The paper contends that traditional industrial policy is overly focused on manufacturing and must be expanded to include services, which now account for roughly two-thirds of global GDP. It identifies five pillars for a services-led industrial policy: infrastructure, investment/FDI, skills and human capital, regulatory quality, and connectivity. The author highlights that services offer developing economies advantages in terms of lower capital intensity, smaller minimum scale, and environmental sustainability. Furthermore, the document notes that the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provides governments with more policy space for experimentation than the rules governing manufacturing trade.

This research paper introduces a project by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) focused on the 'just transition' in South Africa and Brazil. It examines the need to reconcile climate action with economic development, specifically focusing on protecting vulnerable populations and addressing extreme inequality while shifting from fossil fuels to renewable energy.

The study finds significant priority divergence between African climate plans (NDCs) and development plans (NDPs), noting that NDCs are often externally driven by international financing and environment ministries, while NDPs are domestically coordinated by economic planning ministries. This disconnect leads to energy transition strategies that may lack pragmatism and overlook economic performance metrics like reliability and affordability. The report recommends establishing inter-ministerial committees and increasing local technical capacity to integrate these frameworks, ensuring climate action supports poverty reduction and economic growth.

The document analyzes the shift in international trade from a focus on liberalization toward 'multipurpose' approaches driven by geopolitics and national security. It argues that this complexity provides opportunities to embed nature and climate goals into trade agendas. The author proposes a new paradigm that reframes trade as a strategic tool for sustainability, emphasizing a 'nature-positive' narrative and the integration of climate mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage. Key recommendations include reorienting trade rules to reward sustainable production, scaling the diffusion of green technologies, and ensuring that developing countries are not unfairly burdened by environmental requirements. The paper identifies multiple entry points for action, including WTO reform, regional agreements like AfCFTA, and the implementation of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework.

The report examines how people in Britain perceive the financial impact of climate policies, noting that while many fear costs, few believe scrapping these policies would save them money. It highlights a strong public desire for a 'just transition' where the least well-off are protected and big polluting companies are held accountable. The findings suggest that framing climate action as an investment in a prosperous future is more compelling than technical terminology.

The document examines the evolving relationship between Tanzania and China, highlighting Tanzania's role as a 'first-mover' in several strategic initiatives. Central to the analysis is the December 2024 establishment of the Tanzania Investment Centre China (Hunan) Investment Cooperation Platform, which is anchored in the 'Hunan Model'—a Chinese strategy to deepen Africa ties through trade exhibitions, industrial clusters, and agricultural 'green lanes'. The author argues that Tanzania's unique position as a founding member of both the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), combined with its historical ties to China, allows it to shape cross-regional economic policy in Africa. The briefing also details other key collaborations, such as the Tazara Railway and the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Leadership School, and provides policy suggestions to ensure the Hunan Model serves African development interests.

Libélula has worked to support Peru's green MSME sector by building a community of entrepreneurs and facilitating dialogues with financial institutions and government bodies. Despite frequent government turnover that has stalled various initiatives, Libélula contributed to the passage of the Collective Benefit Enterprise Law (BIC Law) and helped the Ministry of Production develop a circular economy map. The organization emphasizes that collective social demand and community backing are essential to maintaining a green agenda across changing administrations.

China has surpassed its 2030 wind and solar capacity targets six years early, with clean electricity meeting 84.2% of additional demand in 2024. However, the report argues that the 'more renewables, more coal' era is ending and the next phase requires a shift from adding capacity to engineering a 'megasystem' involving smart grids, long-duration storage, and industrial electrification. While the 'new three' sectors (solar, batteries, EVs) have driven GDP, they face saturation and competition, making the development of next-generation technologies essential for sustaining China's 'growing by greening' economic strategy.

The report analyzes the New PAC's infrastructure plans for the Amazon, finding a disconnect between project distribution and actual regional needs. It highlights contradictions between the program's green growth discourse and its inclusion of high-impact projects like the Ferrogrão railroad and BR-319 highway, as well as investments in natural gas power plants. The authors argue that the New PAC lacks transparency and fails to align with the Action Plan for the Prevention and Control of Deforestation in the Legal Amazon (PPCDAM). Recommendations include creating a comprehensive regional development plan, prioritizing infrastructure in the 'Deforested Amazon', and shifting energy investments toward solar and wind power.

The IEJ statement advocates for G20 High-Level Principles on Green Industrial Policy that prioritize state-led investment and structural transformation over private-sector-led, export-oriented models. It emphasizes that green industrialization can create approximately 24 million new jobs globally and reduce inequality by shifting developing economies away from commodity extraction toward green manufacturing and domestic technological capabilities.

The document is a global communiqué from March 2025 detailing a consensus among 28 countries to prioritize justice and inclusivity in the energy transition. It emphasizes the insufficiency of current investment levels in developing countries and calls for the use of concessional financing, technology transfer, and country-specific transition plans to eradicate energy poverty and build climate resilience. The signatories commit to fostering domestic manufacturing, diversifying supply chains, and strengthening regional cooperation projects such as Mission 300 and the RELAC Initiative to align national investment with Paris Agreement goals.

The report tracks G20 climate commitments from 2008 to 2024, noting a shift from general statements to specific goals like phasing out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and implementing the Paris Agreement. It highlights the disruptive impact of US withdrawals from the Paris Agreement under the Trump administration and the challenges of institutional memory within the G20. For its 2025 presidency, South Africa focuses on 'solidarity, equality and sustainability', with specific priorities for Africa-focused energy access, climate-resilient agriculture, and scaling adaptation finance.

The paper examines the challenges South Africa and Brazil face in transitioning to green economies and their shared vulnerability to the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). It argues that both nations perceive CBAM as a form of 'green protectionism' that violates WTO non-discrimination principles and the Paris Agreement's principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC). The authors suggest that South Africa and Brazil can collaborate through BRICS and BASIC to advocate for fairer trade rules, technological support, and the integration of development needs into WTO climate provisions. Domestically, the paper recommends that South Africa accelerate its Renewable Energy Masterplan (SAREM) and reform its carbon tax, while Brazil should formalise a national carbon pricing regime and enforce its Forest Code to maintain export competitiveness.

The paper analyzes how South Africa and Brazil utilize climate financing to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050, highlighting the differences between South Africa's coal-dominant economy and Brazil's land-use-driven emissions. It evaluates national mechanisms such as South Africa's carbon tax and Brazil's proposed Emissions Trading Scheme, while advocating for the reform of multilateral development banks to lower the cost of capital for the Global South. The author emphasizes the importance of green taxonomies and central bank risk management in mobilizing private investment and ensuring financial stability during the energy transition.

The document examines the complementary strengths of China, as a global leader in green technology manufacturing, and Africa, which possesses vast renewable energy potential and critical mineral reserves. It highlights the shift in China's approach toward treating Africa as a business partner and details the specific clean energy commitments made during FOCAC 2024. However, it argues that Africa must enhance its own internal resource mobilization, reduce dependency on external aid, and improve project implementation timelines to fully realize these opportunities.