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The document examines how Mozambique's reliance on food imports and historical underinvestment in agriculture have made it vulnerable to global price spikes, particularly for rice and wheat. It details the transition from state-supported agriculture to neoliberal structural adjustment programmes in the 1990s, which led to a decline in the use of fertilizers and pesticides. To counter current food insecurity, the government has introduced the 'Green Revolution' strategy and the 2008–11 Food Production Action Plan (FPAP), increasing the agricultural budget to 10% of the state budget and reducing import tariffs on staples from 25% to 2.5%. The author argues that long-term success depends on improving infrastructure, resolving land tenure conflicts, and attracting private sector investment.

The document examines the intersection of global trade policy and food security in Southern Africa, arguing that reducing dependence on First World agricultural subsidies and improving domestic production capabilities are critical for long-term stability. It analyzes the potential impacts of the WTO Doha Round, specifically regarding preference erosion for African exports and the disciplining of export restrictions. The author highlights the risks posed by biofuel production and the limitations of current trade models in predicting gains for Africa, suggesting that a 'no deal' outcome at the WTO may not be entirely disadvantageous.

The document analyzes the decline of Zimbabwe's agricultural sector and its resulting food insecurity, identifying structural failures, hyperinflation, and land reform as primary drivers. It evaluates domestic support programs and trade policies, concluding that while Zimbabwe has the potential for self-sufficiency, it requires comprehensive reforms in infrastructure, technology, and regional cooperation to overcome current supply-side constraints.

The report analyzes the complex political economy of Southern African agriculture, identifying governance and external financing as the primary uncertainties affecting the region's future. Through a stakeholder workshop in Harare, four distinct scenarios were developed, ranging from a high-investment, high-policy-quality future ('I believe I can fly') to a state of total failure ('This is the end'). The authors argue that while the region currently sits in a precarious position characterized by poor domestic policy and weak state capacity, there are opportunities to pivot toward growth through improved infrastructure, transparent land tenure management, and the strategic adoption of agricultural technologies like GMOs.

The report argues that while climate change is not the sole cause of conflict, it acts as a 'threat multiplier' in the Levant. It identifies six primary security threats, including increased competition for water, intensified food insecurity, and destabilizing forced migration. The authors emphasize that the region's history of conflict and deep distrust undermine its adaptive capacity, making it more vulnerable to environmental shocks. To mitigate these risks, the report proposes four strategies: fostering a culture of conservation, implementing community-level adaptation, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and enabling regional cooperation through shared resource management.

The document examines the shift of South American countries from a defensive posture toward sustainable development in trade to a more nuanced engagement driven by free trade agreements (FTAs) and market demands. It analyzes the specific vulnerabilities of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Peru due to their reliance on natural resource exports and identifies emerging risks such as carbon-intensive foreign direct investment and new technical trade barriers from developed nations.

The report analyzes the shift in South American countries from a defensive posture toward sustainable development in trade to a more integrated approach. It examines four case studies (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Peru), identifying how structural dependencies on natural resources and the influence of developed markets—particularly the US and EU—drive the adoption of environmental and labor standards. While Chile and Peru have integrated these themes through Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), Brazil and Argentina have remained more resistant officially, though private sectors in Brazil are increasingly adapting to international certifications. The document highlights risks such as 'carbon leakage' (the shift of high-emission industries to the region) and new trade barriers related to biofuels and chemical regulations.

The document analyzes the shift in South American countries from a defensive posture toward sustainable development in trade to a more complex engagement driven by free trade agreements (FTAs) and market demands. It highlights how resource-intensive export profiles make these nations vulnerable to unilateral environmental and labor regulations from developed markets, particularly the EU and US. While Chile and Peru have integrated these themes through FTAs, Brazil and Argentina remain officially resistant, though private sectors in Brazil are increasingly adapting to international sustainability standards.

The document details a 2009 workshop organized by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) focusing on the intersection of climate change and transboundary water conflicts in Africa, with a heavy emphasis on the Nile River Basin. It examines how environmental degradation, population growth, and uneven water distribution exacerbate tensions between riparian states. The report highlights the role of regional bodies like the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), IGAD, and ECOWAS, and argues that while climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier,' it can also serve as an incentive for regional cooperation. Key recommendations include the ratification of the UN Convention on the Law of Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses, the establishment of joint management frameworks, and the integration of climate adaptation into national planning and donor programs.

The report details a dialogue on the vulnerabilities of African economies to climate change and the potential for trade policy to enhance resilience. It emphasizes the need for predictable financial mechanisms, the diffusion of low-carbon technologies, and the reform of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to better serve African interests. The document highlights the potential of organic agriculture and renewable energy to create jobs and reduce poverty, while warning against arbitrary trade restrictions and poorly evidenced environmental labels that could undermine the competitiveness of African exports.

The review finds that AWM interventions generally produce positive impacts across five capitals—financial, natural, social, physical, and human—with projects employing multiple interventions yielding more positive results. However, it highlights a critical lack of systematic monitoring and evaluation, particularly regarding negative externalities and long-term sustainability.

The report details the inception phase of the Swedish International Agricultural Network Initiative (SIANI), initiated by Sida. A scoping assessment involving 142 people from 91 organizations identified significant sectoral fragmentation and a decline in the recognition of agricultural competence within Swedish development cooperation. The document outlines four controversial key issues: agricultural systems for the 21st century, trade and markets, land use conflicts, and food safety and security. To address these, it proposes a network structure featuring six key functions, including facilitating inter-sectoral initiatives and providing policy implementation feedback. The proposed design includes Cluster Groups, a Steering Committee, and a Secretariat, utilizing implementing mechanisms such as Strategic Initiatives and Dialogues on Sustainable Agricultural Development to operationalize the Policy for Global Development (PGD) in Sweden.

The document argues that climate change is a profoundly ethical issue where the global North bears primary responsibility for emissions while the global South and marginalized groups suffer the most severe impacts. It advocates for 'climate justice'—a vision to alleviate unequal burdens through fair treatment and policies that address the structures creating inequality. The guide critiques market-based solutions like carbon trading and agrofuels, calling them 'false solutions' that allow rich nations to avoid responsibility. It highlights specific vulnerabilities, noting that women are disproportionately affected due to their roles in managing natural resources and limited access to decision-making. The text also introduces the Greenhouse Development Rights (GDRs) framework, which proposes a 'development threshold' to ensure the poor are not burdened by the costs of the climate transition. Finally, it provides practical advice for journalists to localize climate stories by amplifying the voices of the most vulnerable and comparing local environmental changes with global causes.

The paper examines the tension between EU efforts to include high intellectual property rights (IPR) standards in Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) and the developmental needs of SADC countries. While the SADC interim EPAs currently focus on goods, the author warns that 'TRIPS-plus' provisions—standards exceeding the WTO's TRIPS Agreement—could negatively impact food security, public health, and access to educational materials. The document argues that SADC nations must develop integrated policy frameworks and institutional capacity to manage IPRs and protect genetic resources and traditional knowledge before entering such negotiations.

The report analyzes China's biofuels sector, focusing on the transition from grain-based ethanol to non-grain feedstocks grown on marginal land. It finds that government subsidies, including direct payments and tax exemptions, are essential for the industry's viability but may undermine food security, increase food prices, and cause environmental degradation. The authors conclude that biofuels have a negligible impact on China's energy security and recommend eliminating direct production subsidies.

The document examines the hydropolitics of the Nile Basin, focusing on the tensions between upstream states, particularly Ethiopia, and downstream states, Egypt and Sudan. It argues that colonial-era agreements and Egypt's pursuit of 'prior appropriation' rights have created an inequitable distribution of water, hindering development in upper riparian states. The author suggests that cooperation through frameworks like the Nile Basin Initiative and the adoption of the Helsinki Rules for equitable sharing are necessary to avoid future conflict and ensure food and energy security.

The report argues that the drive for agrofuels in Latin America is based on a cash-crop model of intensive monocultures that benefits large landowners and international agribusiness while causing widespread deforestation, water shortages, and human rights abuses. In Brazil, sugarcane expansion is linked to slave-like working conditions and the displacement of family farms. Argentina's soy-based biodiesel industry has led to significant deforestation and the concentration of land ownership, with 46% of production controlled by 2.2% of producers. In Colombia, oil palm expansion is associated with paramilitary violence and the forced displacement of Afro-descendant and indigenous communities. Central American countries, including Costa Rica, Guatemala, and El Salvador, are increasing production to meet US and EU demand, which the report warns will exacerbate child labour and food insecurity. The document highlights the influence of multilateral banks like the IADB and the World Bank, and corporations such as Cargill and Bunge, in financing and driving this transition.

The report analyzes the 'agrofuel offensive' in Latin America, focusing on Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Colombia, and Central American nations (Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Guatemala). It argues that the rapid expansion of monocultures for biofuels is driven by Northern demand and supported by government subsidies and international finance, leading to widespread deforestation, land concentration, and human rights abuses. Key findings include the use of slave-like labor in Brazilian sugarcane fields, the displacement of indigenous and Afro-descendant communities in Colombia for palm oil, and the loss of food security as food crops are replaced by energy crops. The document highlights the role of transnational corporations and international financial institutions in funding these developments while local populations face increased poverty and environmental degradation.

The report finds that Malaysia's ambitions to become a global biodiesel producer have been undermined by volatile feedstock prices and the high cost of production relative to petroleum diesel. While the government provided limited support through soft loans and tax incentives, a proposed B5 blending mandate would likely increase the national subsidy burden. The industry's profitability is precarious, relying heavily on exports to the EU and US, where it may benefit from subsidy loopholes. Environmentally, the report argues that the presumed carbon benefits of biodiesel are offset by greenhouse gas emissions from deforestation and peatland conversion, while socially, global biofuel demand has contributed to rising food prices.

The report criticizes the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) for promoting a 'flawed model' of large-scale, export-oriented agrofuels in Latin America and the Caribbean. It argues that these projects, driven by demand from the US and Europe, lead to deforestation, biodiversity loss, and human rights abuses, such as violent land grabs in Colombia. The document asserts that agrofuels are not a viable climate solution due to land-use emissions and calls for the IDB to shift funding toward small-scale, local energy projects and truly clean renewables like wind and solar.