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The document analyzes the impact of short-term rental platforms, specifically Airbnb, on Jamaica's socioeconomic landscape and climate resilience. It highlights that Airbnb properties are often concentrated in high-climate-vulnerability zones and that economic benefits are skewed toward high-income neighborhoods, exacerbating territorial inequalities. The brief advocates for mandatory safety audits, a comparative vulnerability index, and the use of geospatial data to align the platform economy with national disaster management plans and sustainable development goals.

The document examines how the Codex Alimentarius Commission has transitioned from an obscure scientific body to a politically charged forum due to increasing scientific uncertainty and the influence of the WTO's Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS). It argues that the growth of new technologies, environmental degradation, and global trade have widened the gap between innovation and safety assessment. To address this, the author proposes that Codex evolve by shifting its focus from risk management (standard setting) to risk assessment and guidelines, reversing the onus of proof for new products, maintaining an ongoing search for scientific certainty, and increasing process openness. The paper highlights the failure of Codex to reach consensus on beef hormones and GMO labelling as evidence of the need for this evolution.

The paper examines the systemic vulnerabilities of pastoralists, who manage approximately 25 percent of the world's land area. It argues that conflict in these regions is driven by a combination of ecological shocks, the encroachment of agricultural frontiers, and the political marginalization of herding communities by state governments. Using a sustainable livelihoods framework, the authors identify threats to natural, financial, physical, human, social, and political capital. The document concludes that technical interventions alone are insufficient; sustainable peace requires integrating pastoralists into wider societal and political structures, protecting their mobility and resource access, and empowering their political representation.

The document examines the complex interactions between international trade, development aid, and security, specifically focusing on how the exploitation of natural resources can fuel violent conflict. It argues that current trade and aid frameworks often exacerbate instability in the 'South' due to inequitable rules, the 'resource curse', and the misuse of assistance. To counter this, the authors propose six policy objectives: designing conflict-sensitive trade and aid policies, restricting the trade of 'conflict resources', fostering responsible business practices, improving domestic governance, and enhancing the management of natural resource and aid revenues.

The IISD program on Environment, Conflict and Peacebuilding investigates the links between environmental change, natural resource governance, and human security to support conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction. The program employs a three-pillar approach consisting of research, policy, and practice, which includes analyzing emerging threats, promoting policy mechanisms to address root causes of insecurity, and training practitioners in conflict-sensitive programming. Specific project examples include assessing climate change threats in the Jordan River basin, analyzing Canada's security agenda regarding the Arctic and energy sources, and advising UN agencies on integrating environmental management into peacebuilding.

The document examines how valuable minerals can finance violence, trigger local conflicts, and weaken state governance through corruption. It provides lessons learned for development interventions, such as empowering local communities, supporting artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), and promoting corporate responsibility. The toolkit includes a survey instrument for risk assessment and lists USAID contracting mechanisms and international partners to address mineral-related conflict.

A joint declaration from the European Commission and the African Union Commission following their fourth College-to-College meeting on 1 October 2008 in Brussels. The document outlines agreements to implement the Africa-EU Strategic Partnership across eight thematic areas, including security, governance, economic integration, health, energy, climate change, migration, and science and technology.

The report examines the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), detailing its origins in 1963 and its initial commitment to sovereignty and non-interference. It analyzes the OAU's shift in the 1990s toward conflict prevention, highlighted by the 1993 establishment of the Mechanism for preventing, managing, and resolving conflicts. The text also discusses the devastating impact of armed conflict on African development, including the destruction of infrastructure, loss of skilled manpower, and environmental degradation, while noting the OAU's challenges with funding and information gathering.

The document argues that post-conflict recovery requires a shift from short-term humanitarian relief to a sustainable livelihoods approach that addresses the root causes of conflict, such as poverty, powerlessness, and the loss of assets. It examines the 'deadly triad' of food insecurity, HIV/AIDS, and conflict, and provides frameworks for analyzing household vulnerability and the political economy of war. Case studies from Angola, Sudan, Mozambique, and Uganda illustrate the importance of integrating emergency relief with long-term developmental support, particularly for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and the urban poor.

The document outlines the complexities of using community protocols within the extractive sector, emphasizing the need for community-led definitions of identity, the management of external timeframes, and the protection of sensitive information. It highlights risks such as 'elite capture' and the potential for protocols to be used as tools of coercion, while providing a framework for understanding the mining life cycle and the diverse array of stakeholders involved in large-scale investments.

The Vhavenda Biocultural Community Protocol is a community-led framework designed to safeguard the sacred natural sites (Zwifho), indigenous knowledge systems, and land rights of 11 Vhavenda communities. It documents the spiritual and ecological significance of these sites, outlines traditional governance structures, and asserts the communities' right to Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) regarding any development on their ancestral lands. The protocol highlights threats from industrial development, such as the Musina-Makhado Special Economic Zone, and climate change, while calling for the restoration of land and the protection of intangible cultural heritage.

The report details five dialogues focused on state capacity in South Africa, specifically addressing the energy transition, freight and public transport, the criminal justice system, and water security, concluding with a synthesis on public sector professionalization. A recurring theme is the detrimental impact of state capture and political interference on institutional memory and technical expertise. The document argues that state capability requires not just administrative skills but the agency to 'reach into society' and coordinate complex projects. Key recommendations include reforming senior appointment processes to insulate the public service from politics, creating a single administration to reduce fragmentation, and rethinking the municipal fiscal framework to ensure the viability of basic service delivery.

The study analyzes 285 conflict episodes to determine how natural resources affect the duration of postconflict peace. It identifies three primary mechanisms: distribution, financing, and aggravation. The findings indicate that while natural resource conflicts generally show shorter peace periods bivariately, only conflicts driven by disagreements over the distribution of resources and revenues significantly increase the risk of recurrence in a multivariate analysis. This suggests that resource-related grievances are a more persistent driver of conflict relapse than the mere opportunity to finance warfare.

The research examines the intersection of gender norms and economic necessity in Keti Bandar, a fishing town in Sindh, Pakistan. Despite high female labor force participation (50.5%), a strong belief persists that men should be the primary providers. The authors argue that women's empowerment in this context is derived from altruism—supporting their husbands and families—rather than from a desire for individual autonomy or resistance to patriarchal norms. This sense of empowerment is facilitated by the fact that the male breadwinner norm is maintained in discourse even as it is broken in practice. The study also highlights how environmental degradation and globalization have increased economic distress, forcing women into the labor market, while their mobility remains constrained by concerns over 'honor' and safety in public spaces.

The research examines the link between water scarcity and intrastate conflict, arguing that the relationship is not deterministic but is mediated by domestic political institutions. Using a simultaneous equations model for 98 countries (1981–2000), the authors find that while water scarcity does not directly increase the probability of conflict, it does negatively impact the likelihood of democratic institutions emerging. Crucially, the study finds that democratic regimes are more effective at mitigating the risk of conflict in water-scarce conditions. The authors suggest an 'ecological trap' where water scarcity promotes autocracy, which in turn fails to manage resources effectively, potentially leading to a cycle of scarcity, autocracy, and conflict.

The report identifies systemic governance failures in Lesotho, including a fragmented electoral system, weak separation of powers, and inadequate decentralisation. It highlights severe socio-economic challenges such as a 47.7% poverty rate (2017), rising violent crime, and gender-based discrimination under customary law. The document argues that these issues are exacerbated by corruption, poor infrastructure, and ineffective public policy-making, recommending comprehensive constitutional and legal reforms through the National Reforms Authority (NRA).

SUMERNET PLUS is a transboundary programme running from July 2025 to December 2029, funded by 54 million SEK from the Swedish Government. It aims to link evidence-based research with policymakers and marginalized groups to improve climate resilience in the Mekong Region. The programme focuses on three key themes: nexus interactions and trade-offs among sectors like water and energy, building socio-ecological resilience, and supporting just sustainable transitions. To achieve these goals, it will provide 34 grants ranging from SEK 150,000 to 2,000,000, conduct capacity building for various stakeholders, and facilitate policy dialogues at regional forums such as the Mekong River Commission and ASEAN.

The document outlines a partnership between the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) to explore how environmental stressors drive international labour migration in Asia and increase vulnerability to forced labour. It highlights that sectors such as agriculture, forestry, fisheries, and construction are both drivers of environmental destruction and sites of migrant exploitation. The project's second phase focuses on agricultural labour supply chains in specific corridors—Cambodia and Myanmar to Thailand, and Bangladesh and Indonesia to Malaysia—to inform policymakers and businesses on protecting migrant workers and maximizing migration as an adaptation strategy.

The report critiques the Indonesian government's plan to move its capital to East Kalimantan, specifically in the Penajam Paser Utara and Kutai Kartanegara regencies. It argues that the project is a 'political commodity' designed to benefit oligarchs and corporations who hold extensive mining, forestry, and plantation concessions in the area. The document highlights significant environmental threats, including the destruction of mangrove ecosystems in Balikpapan Bay, the risk of floods, and continued reliance on coal power. It also warns of the marginalization and potential eviction of indigenous peoples, such as the Balik tribe, and criticizes the lack of transparency in financing and public participation.

The report argues that the relocation of Indonesia's capital to East Kalimantan is a 'mega project' designed to benefit political oligarchs and corporations rather than the public. It highlights that the proposed 180,965-hectare site is not empty land but is already occupied by numerous mining, forestry, and plantation concessions linked to high-ranking politicians and their families. The document warns of severe ecological risks, including the destruction of mangrove ecosystems in Balikpapan Bay, the persistence of coal-fired power plants (PLTU), and the displacement of indigenous groups like the Suku Balik. It further criticizes the lack of public participation and the financial instability of the project, which estimates a cost of Rp 466 trillion.