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The document identifies that federal energy-related spending in 2010 ranged from $290 billion to $610 billion, with the vast majority supporting petroleum-based transportation and energy security rather than emissions reduction. Only $38 billion was spent on climate mitigation, a small fraction of the total budget, and much of this was temporary stimulus funding from the Recovery Act. The analysis highlights a reliance on tax expenditures for clean energy, which are described as less transparent than direct spending but more politically sustainable.

The report assesses the risks associated with Uganda's transition to an oil-producing state, focusing on the Lake Albert region. It identifies significant local grievances regarding land tenure and marginalisation, warns of the 'resource curse' potentially undermining democracy through patronage and militarisation, and examines regional security threats, including the alliance between al-Shabaab and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The report analyzes the geopolitical tensions arising from natural gas discoveries in the Cyprus Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), particularly the conflict between the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and Turkey. It explores how these resources could either catalyze a political settlement or exacerbate regional instability. Additionally, it provides a comparative analysis of wealth management, contrasting the 'resource curse' seen in Sudan with the successful 'Norwegian model' to offer guidance for Cyprus on avoiding economic pitfalls like 'Dutch disease'.

The report assesses China's ambition to launch a national carbon trading system by 2015, noting that while the government is determined to move away from inefficient top-down administrative measures, a functional domestic market does not yet exist beyond the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). It highlights the initiation of seven regional pilots (Beijing, Chongqing, Guangdong, Hunan, Shanghai, Shenzhen, and Tianjin) as critical experiments that will determine the future of Chinese climate policy. The authors identify significant hurdles, including a lack of reliable emission data, the absence of a mature free-market economy, and the need for robust legal frameworks for monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV).

The document analyzes how the European Union has integrated New Member States (NMS) into its climate framework through various effort-sharing mechanisms. It highlights the systemic economic and energy divergences between the EU15 and NMS, such as higher energy intensity and coal dependence in the East. The report examines the evolution of target distribution from the Kyoto Protocol and the EU ETS Phase II to the 2008 Climate and Energy Package, concluding that while centralized governance and GDP-based redistribution have improved fairness and ambition, they have often come at the cost of economic efficiency and domestic sovereignty over energy mixes.

The document examines the relationship between Sasol and the South African government, arguing that the company uses its position within the 'minerals-energy complex' to capture decision-making. It details Sasol's role in promoting carbon-intensive technologies like coal-to-liquid (CTL) and gas-to-liquids (GTL), its lobbying for carbon capture and storage (CCS), and its efforts to avoid legally binding global climate targets while positioning itself as an environmental leader.

The document finds that GHG mitigation policies significantly improve air quality by reducing emissions of sulphur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter. In the EU27, this leads to substantial health gains, including an increase in average life expectancy by one month by 2050 and annual economic co-benefits ranging from €44 billion to €95 billion. The analysis also highlights significant benefits in China and India, where life expectancy gains are estimated at 19 and 30 months respectively by 2050. Additionally, mitigation reduces regulatory abatement costs for businesses and lessens the acidification and eutrophication of ecosystems.

The Rocky Mountain Institute contends that the U.S. government has historically provided far more subsidies to fossil fuels than to renewables, citing $72 billion for fossil fuels versus $29 billion for renewables between 2002 and 2008. The document argues that wind and solar are rapidly becoming cost-competitive, noting a 43% decline in solar PV installed costs from 1998 to 2010. It further highlights the economic burden of fossil fuel externalities, estimated at $63 billion annually, and dismisses the Keystone XL pipeline as a viable energy security solution because it does not support the electricity system.

The paper finds a disconnect between the EU's general commitment to climate action and its practical integration into specific policies. While energy policy documents often align with climate targets, the EU budget and cohesion funding lack explicit climate priorities and continue to fund road transport investments that negatively impact climate goals.

The document evaluates the Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission, launched in 2009 to make solar power affordable by 2022 and establish India as a global leader in solar energy. It highlights the success of competitive bidding in reducing tariffs but warns that a lack of expertise requirements attracted inexperienced developers, risking project defaults. The brief also notes that while off-grid subsidies exist, the market-based approach and high down payments limit access for the most energy-poor. It recommends integrating participatory models and strengthening environmental impact assessments to ensure long-term sustainability.

This research paper examines the evolving role of African nations in international affairs following the Cold War, noting a shift from being passive objects of foreign policy to gaining relevance through multilateralism and consensus-based decision-making, despite continued financial dependency.

The briefing note introduces a simplified assessment framework, based on the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment and community insights from Bloodvein and Poplar River First Nations, to link boreal environmental products, services, and benefits to community health, livelihoods, and social relations. It highlights how local pressures, such as over-stressing immediate environments and climate-driven changes to ice roads and water filtration, impact community security. The framework is intended to inform natural resource development, northern strategies, and climate adaptation planning in Canada's North.

Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has shifted its foreign policy to prioritize domestic economic development and political stability over the pursuit of regional prestige. The country has pursued a 'charm offensive' to remove its pariah status and has balanced strategic partnerships with traditional powers (US, UK, France, Russia) and emerging powers (China, India, Brazil). Key priorities include debt relief, infrastructure development, and security cooperation, with a particular emphasis on 'exchanging oil for development' in its relations with China and Brazil.

The document examines the intersection of climate change and poverty, highlighting how climate variability makes it harder for the poor to escape poverty. It advocates for a shift toward 'climate-resilient development' by integrating adaptation into national poverty reduction strategies, investing in evidence-based data, and ensuring inclusive processes that involve climate-vulnerable poor populations. The brief notes that while 'triple win' solutions (combining mitigation, adaptation, and poverty reduction) are desirable, they are difficult to implement and often fail to reach the poorest populations. It emphasizes that public investment is essential, as private sector investment alone cannot meet the needs of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and adaptation requirements, particularly in Africa.

The document highlights how climate variability makes it harder for poor populations to escape poverty and threatens the achievement of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It calls for a shift from treating adaptation and development as separate entities toward a unified approach of 'climate-resilient development'. Key recommendations include investing in evidence-based data on climate-poverty links, ensuring national ownership of strategies, and prioritizing mitigation only when it offers clear co-benefits for poverty reduction and adaptation.

The paper examines the rise of emerging powers, specifically the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), and their impact on global leadership and norms. It argues that the 'decline of the West' is exaggerated, as emerging powers often emulate Western modernity and liberal economic reforms. The author critiques the BRICS forum as a 'political club' lacking a unifying agenda and suggests that South Africa's membership is a 'strategic blunder'. Instead, the paper recommends that South Africa develop a rigorous commercial diplomacy approach to leverage economic opportunities within Africa and engage emerging powers on a bilateral basis to navigate 'institutional voids' such as corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency.

The document examines the EU Renewable Energy Directive's biofuels components, finding that the design of sustainability criteria prioritizes internal EU market and technology goals over global energy markets and international development objectives.

This policy brief argues that climate change hinders the achievement of development goals by disproportionately affecting the 'climate-vulnerable poor'. It calls for the integration of poverty reduction and adaptation strategies, a stronger evidence base on climate-poverty links, and a cautious approach to mitigation that prioritizes developmental co-benefits.

The policy brief examines the intersection of climate change and poverty reduction, highlighting how climate instability undermines Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. It advocates for a shift from treating adaptation and development as separate entities toward a 'climate-resilient development' approach. The author emphasizes the need for evidence-based, country-led policies that prioritize the most vulnerable and suggests that mitigation efforts should only be pursued when they offer clear co-benefits for poverty reduction and adaptation.

The document highlights how climate change undermines development goals and poverty eradication, specifically in Sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the artificial distinction between adaptation and development must be removed in favor of climate resilience. The author calls for a stronger evidence base on climate-poverty links, the integration of adaptation into national poverty reduction strategies, and a cautious approach to mitigation that prioritizes developmental co-benefits over high opportunity costs.