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The East African Community (EAC) took a lead role in managing the 2015 Burundi crisis, but its efforts were largely unsuccessful due to internal divisions among member states and a lack of binding implementation mechanisms. While the EAC initially attempted preventive diplomacy through a 'Delegation of the Wise', subsequent summits and facilitation efforts by leaders like Yoweri Museveni and Benjamin Mkapa failed to prevent violence or secure an inclusive political dialogue. The report highlights how geopolitical tensions between Rwanda and Tanzania further undermined regional cohesion, ultimately allowing the Burundian government to resist international pressure and proceed with contested elections.

Togo has significantly reduced piracy since 2012 through increased naval patrols and international cooperation, recording no acts of piracy in 2015. However, the country faces ongoing challenges, including a struggling fisheries sector plagued by overfishing and poor resources, and an international ship registry that provides few local jobs and is linked to illicit fishing. While the Autonomous Port of Lomé maintains ISPS Code compliance and serves as a key transit hub for landlocked countries like Burkina Faso, it suffers from space constraints and poor internal road infrastructure. To sustain security, Togo established the National Organisation for State Action at Sea (NOSAS) in 2014, though hierarchical ambiguities persist between the maritime prefect and the advisor for the sea.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The report examines the 2015 crisis in Burundi, arguing that while President Pierre Nkurunziza's attempt to secure an unconstitutional third term was the immediate trigger, the situation was underpinned by a long history of government intransigence, systemic repression of the opposition, and corruption. It details the CNDD-FDD's strategy of consolidating power through the 'nyakurisation' method of dividing opposition parties and the use of legislative tools to restrict civil liberties. The document also analyzes the internal fractures within the ruling party, the failure of the Arusha Agreement's power-sharing framework, and the subsequent violent crackdown on protestors, the media, and civil society following a failed coup attempt in May 2015.

The report argues that Burundi's post-transition period has been marked by cyclical patterns of state-led repression and political violence. While early post-transition violence was primarily intra-ethnic among Hutu, the 2015 crisis began as a crackdown on peaceful protesters and evolved into an insurgency involving diverse armed groups. The authors highlight the failure of the Arusha Agreement to establish a separation of powers and transitional justice, which allowed the ruling CNDD-FDD to centralise power and maintain impunity for security forces.

The report finds that Africa is not on track to meet Sustainable Development Goal 6 (SDG 6) for universal WASH access by 2030. Using the International Futures (IFs) forecasting system, the authors analyze three paths: a 'Current Path' where few countries meet targets; a 'Universal Access' scenario requiring aggressive investment; and a 'Balancing WASH' scenario that prioritizes high-impact, lower-cost improvements. While universal access offers the highest economic and health gains, it requires an additional US$122 billion in infrastructure spending and may force detrimental trade-offs in health and education budgets. The 'Balancing WASH' approach is presented as a more realistic alternative, delivering approximately 50% of the human development benefits of universal access at only 30% of the cost (US$36 billion).

The document argues that South Africa is stuck in a middle-income trap characterized by sluggish growth, deep inequality, and declining government effectiveness. It suggests a paradigm shift away from a state-led developmental model toward a labour-intensive, low-wage growth path and a knowledge economy built on private sector partnerships and technological innovation.

The document examines Mozambique's transition from civil war to sustainable peace, focusing on five key areas: disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR), economic and social development, decentralisation, justice, and natural resource investment. It argues that while government planning capacity has increased, implementation and monitoring remain weak, and short-term political gains often override long-term stability. The paper highlights the critical role of civil society in filling gaps left by the state and international actors, and warns that the management of new natural gas wealth and high national debt could either consolidate peace or fuel renewed conflict.

The paper argues that South Africa's extreme inequality, high unemployment, and declining governance effectiveness are fueling social turbulence. It details a shift from state-sponsored apartheid violence to diverse forms of public violence, including service delivery protests, xenophobic attacks, and student unrest. The authors highlight a critical failure in security institutions and a lack of structural economic reform, suggesting the country is at a political turning point where economic stagnation and poor leadership increase the risk of future instability.

The document examines the deployment of electric shock devices, such as stun belts and stun shields, within South African prisons. It argues that these tools are used to enforce compliance through pain and are frequently associated with torture and degrading treatment, violating both domestic laws and international human rights norms. The brief details the physical and psychological harms caused by these devices and provides evidence of systemic abuse in various facilities, concluding with recommendations to prohibit their use and implement mandatory reporting of force.

The document examines why parents in South Africa struggle to engage with evidence-based parenting programmes, such as the Sinovuyo Caring Families Programme (SCFP) and the Parent Centre’s Positive Parenting Skills Training (PPST). It identifies low socio-economic status as the primary structural barrier, manifesting as lack of transport funds, hunger, and childcare needs. Personal barriers include poor health, lack of interest, and alcohol abuse, while programmatic barriers involve discomfort with group sharing. Conversely, family buy-in, a sense of commitment, and the support-group nature of the programmes act as facilitators. The brief recommends house-to-house recruitment, the provision of shuttle services, and the integration of programmes into existing services like ECD centres to increase engagement.

South Africa is overexploiting its water resources, with national withdrawals exceeding reliable supply. Forecasts indicate that municipal, industrial, and agricultural water demand will continue to rise through 2035, reaching an estimated 18.9 km3. Even if all large-scale reconciliation strategies are implemented, a supply gap is expected to persist. The paper argues that closing this gap requires additional measures beyond surface-water infrastructure, specifically focusing on groundwater development, wastewater treatment, and water conservation and water demand management (WCWDM).

The document examines the African Union's (AU) efforts to 'Africanise' its maritime domain through AIMS 2050, specifically by proposing a continental cabotage regime to reduce foreign dominance in intra-African shipping. While proponents argue this would create jobs and economic independence, the paper identifies significant barriers, including inadequate port infrastructure, a lack of skilled seafarers, and limited political will, as evidenced by the low ratification rates of the African Maritime Transport Charter. It further analyzes the legal complexities regarding World Trade Organization (WTO) regulations and concludes that the proposed regime is currently 'ahead of schedule' due to the absence of necessary industrial and governance preconditions.

The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) helped MTN develop the Situational Awareness and Integrated Response (SAIR) system, an open-source informatics tool used to gather intelligence and manage security in volatile markets across Africa and the Middle East.

The report examines the precarious lives of women linked to rebel and militia groups in eastern DRC, arguing that these women are often less dependent on their partners than assumed and instead rely on opportunistic coping strategies. It highlights their role in the illegal trade of natural resources and the failure of national disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) policies to account for female dependants, which perpetuates a cycle of conflict for subsequent generations.

The report examines the precarious lives of FARDC army wives in the DRC, who often follow their husbands to insecure deployment zones due to a lack of family benefits and the high cost of travel. These women face severe housing shortages, irregular salaries, and social stigmatization, forcing them into diverse survival strategies ranging from petty trade and day labor to illicit activities. The document also highlights the extreme vulnerability of army widows and argues that military reform must address the social and service conditions of personnel and their families to be effective.

The report examines why young South Africans (18-24) engage with or withdraw from the democratic process, highlighting a significant gap in voter registration between 18-19 year olds (33%) and 20-29 year olds (64%). It argues that youth disengagement is not driven by apathy, but by frustration over socio-economic challenges, corruption, and a lack of trust in government responsiveness. While many view voting as important, a growing segment feels alienated from formal politics, leading to a decline in loyalty to the ruling African National Congress (ANC) and a shift toward alternative parties like the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) or non-electoral forms of protest.

The monograph analyzes the systemic and leadership failures within the South African Police Service (SAPS) that led to the killing of 34 striking miners at the Lonmin Marikana mine. It identifies two critical shifts in the police response: the nationalization of the operation on 13 August and the decision on 15 August to launch a tactical intervention. The author argues that the operation was characterized by a blurring of command lines, the marginalization of Public Order Police (POP) expertise, and a reckless disregard for the risk of bloodshed. The document highlights how political pressure from the Minister of Police and elite interests influenced senior leaders who lacked operational experience, leading to a rudimentary tactical plan that violated the 'McCann principle' of minimizing lethal force.

The report examines Botswana's regional diplomacy from independence to 2015, highlighting a shift from the 'quiet diplomacy' of Presidents Masire and Mogae to the more outspoken, principle-driven approach of President Ian Khama. It analyzes the institutional framework of Botswana's foreign policy, the influence of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), and the country's pivotal role in the creation of SADC. The author argues that Botswana's foreign policy has been heavily shaped by presidential personalities and suggests the need for a structured national consensus on foreign policy interests.