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The document evaluates the African Union's (AU) conflict prevention strategies, distinguishing between operational prevention (immediate causes) and structural prevention (root causes). It argues that while the AU has established numerous frameworks, such as the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Master Roadmap for Silencing the Guns by 2020, implementation remains reactive and underfunded. The brief recommends improving interdepartmental coordination, linking early warning systems to long-term structural responses, and securing predictable funding to move beyond policy-level rhetoric.

The document forecasts that Africa's population will grow to over 1.8 billion by 2035, potentially compounding poverty if economic growth and job creation do not keep pace. While economic growth is expected, it will be heterogeneous, with oil-dependent nations remaining vulnerable to price shocks. The region faces significant infrastructure gaps, particularly in electricity and water, and rapid urbanisation that may increase social instability. Despite a rise in riots and protests, high-fatality violence is lower than in the 1990s. Popular support for democracy remains strong, although actual democratic governance remains fragile and limited in scope.

The document analyzes Boko Haram's shift toward 'soft targets,' specifically displaced populations in Nigeria, Cameroon, Niger, and Chad. It details the rise in attacks on IDP and refugee camps, the use of female and child suicide bombers, and the infiltration of refugee flows by militants. The author argues that these tactics may serve strategic purposes, such as 'capacity swamping' to coerce governments, turning host communities against refugees, and increasing the group's international visibility.

The report examines Nigerian citizens' views on Boko Haram, identifying a complex interplay of financial incentives, lack of education, and a desire for belonging as primary recruitment drivers. It highlights a deep distrust of Nigerian political institutions and local government, contrasted with higher trust in the presidency and religious leaders. The study finds that while many citizens favor military action, there is significant support for non-military solutions and a strong belief that corruption is a primary security threat. Funding is perceived to come largely from politicians and other terrorist groups, though criminal activities also contribute.

The policy brief examines the increasing presence of sub-Saharan African migrants in Algeria and Morocco, noting that while they have not been significantly implicated in terrorism, their precarious socio-economic conditions and exposure to racism create vulnerabilities. It advocates for the operationalisation of regularisation schemes and the adoption of non-coercive PVE strategies based on UN pillars to prevent future radicalisation.

The document analyzes South Africa's transition from a leading 'norm entrepreneur' in Africa during the Mandela and Mbeki eras to a state currently facing a 'crisis of expectations' under President Jacob Zuma. While South Africa historically exported its model of democratic transition through mediation in Burundi and the DRC and the reform of continental institutions like the AU and SADC, it is now criticized for failing to oppose democratic reversals and human rights abuses. The brief highlights contradictions in South Africa's current approach, including its controversial withdrawal from the International Criminal Court and its reluctance to vote on country-specific human rights issues in the UN. It recommends that South Africa leverage its soft power and financial influence within the AU and SADC to regain its status as a champion of peace and governance.

Africa is experiencing unprecedented urban growth, with its urban population expected to reach 1.4 billion by 2050. While this transition offers economic potential, it is occurring alongside slow structural transformation and pervasive poverty. The paper highlights the rise of megacities—such as Lagos, Cairo, and Kinshasa—and warns that without integrated urban planning and inclusive economic growth, cities will face increasing slum proliferation and urban violence.

The paper argues that effective governance is a primary determinant of poverty reduction in Africa. Using the International Futures (IFs) forecasting system, it demonstrates that improving governance effectiveness (aligned with SDG 16.6) would lift more than 60 million people out of poverty by 2050, outperforming other targeted health and sanitation interventions.

The report examines Qatar's strategic engagement in the Horn of Africa, driven by a desire for international significance and regional autonomy from Saudi Arabia and Iran. It highlights a highly centralised, personalised decision-making process led by the emir, which often bypasses formal diplomatic institutions. While Qatar has successfully mediated between Eritrea and Djibouti, its efforts in Darfur are characterised as a failure due to a lack of contextual understanding and political leverage. The document details Qatar's use of financial wealth, military alliances with the US and Turkey, and the Al Jazeera network as primary instruments of influence.

The EU-Turkey deal significantly reduced sea crossings to Greece but shifted smuggling activities toward air travel and document fraud in Istanbul. While the deal provided temporary 'breathing space,' the paper argues it is unsustainable due to Turkey's internal political instability, economic pressures from hosting 2.75 million refugees, and the lack of a credible EU alternative.

The document analyzes the patterns of clandestine migration from North Africa to Europe, noting that while North Africans are a smaller group than sub-Saharan migrants, they are often innovators of new smuggling routes. It identifies three primary corridors: the central Mediterranean (increasingly popular via Libya), the eastern Mediterranean (via Turkey and the Balkans), and the western Mediterranean (declining due to security). The author argues that migration is primarily driven by economic desperation and youth unemployment rather than conflict, and that securitized border responses fail to address these root causes.

The document examines how ECOWAS implements the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on 'sustaining peace' through conflict prevention, mediation, and peacebuilding. It highlights ECOWAS's sophisticated early warning system (ECOWARN) and its recent institutionalization of mediation through a new directorate, while noting significant gaps in post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD). The paper argues for clearer definitions of comparative advantage and subsidiarity between ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) to avoid duplication and improve regional stability.

The document analyzes Africa's epidemiological transition, noting that while communicable diseases currently cause a disproportionate share of deaths, non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are rising. Using scenario modeling, it argues that achieving SDG 3.3 (eradicating communicable diseases) would significantly boost GDP and life expectancy but accelerate the shift toward NCDs, potentially stressing health systems. Conversely, achieving SDG 3.4 (reducing premature NCD deaths) improves productivity through reduced disability but offers smaller overall economic gains than the eradication of infectious diseases.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) identified early indicators of instability in Burundi in 2014, including political intolerance and repressive legislation, prior to President Pierre Nkurunziza's bid for a third term in 2015. Through a special report and ongoing analysis, the ISS provided guidance to diplomats, the African Union, and global leaders, while collaborating with organizations like Amnesty International to keep the crisis on the international agenda. Following the July 2015 elections, the situation escalated into violence resulting in over 450 deaths and the displacement of more than 250,000 people.

The document examines the integration of women into the Kenya Defence Forces (KDF), highlighting a disconnect between constitutional mandates for 30% female representation and the actual experience of female soldiers. While Kenya has established a National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325 and seen the appointment of its first female brigadier, women remain underrepresented in leadership and are frequently excluded from combat roles due to patriarchal societal norms and a masculinist institutional culture. The report argues that 'gender-neutral' policies often fail to address substantive inequalities, leading to career stagnation and the persistence of sexual harassment within the military.

The report argues that President Yoweri Museveni uses Uganda's role as a regional security provider to deflect international criticism of his domestic democratic decay. It details the use of patronage and repression to maintain power, the personalized nature of Ugandan foreign policy, and the strategic use of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) in Somalia, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The Hague Code of Conduct (HCoC) is a voluntary, politically binding instrument designed to curb the proliferation of ballistic missiles capable of delivering weapons of mass destruction (WMD) through transparency and confidence-building measures. While 36 African states have subscribed as of August 2016, the document notes that the African Union has not yet made the HCoC a priority. The brief highlights the dual-use nature of missile technology, arguing that the HCoC allows African states to pursue peaceful space-launch activities and socio-economic development while signaling a commitment to global non-proliferation. It specifically examines the limited history of ballistic missile programs in Egypt, Libya, and South Africa, and recommends that the AU encourage further subscriptions and information sharing regarding civilian space activities.

The report argues that Zimbabwe's commitment to economic and political reform is largely a 'theatre of reform' designed to maintain ZANU-PF hegemony rather than address systemic issues. While the government has engaged with the IMF through a Staff Monitored Programme and proposed the 'Lima Strategy' to clear debt arrears, progress is stymied by endemic corruption, a ballooning civil service wage bill, and fierce factional battles over Robert Mugabe's succession. The document highlights critical failures in land reform transparency, the 'looting' of Marange diamonds, and a compromised voter registration process, suggesting that the country is on course for another disputed election in 2018.

The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), a coalition of Cameroon, Niger, Nigeria, and Chad, along with Benin, was established to combat Boko Haram. While the force has achieved some operational gains since early 2016, it continues to struggle with significant financial shortfalls, political mistrust among member states, and a gap between official claims of operationality and the reality on the ground. The African Union (AU) serves as a critical strategic and technical partner, filling an institutional vacuum left by the Lake Chad Basin Commission's (LCBC) limited experience in peace operations.