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The document argues that while Africa has immense renewable energy potential, its transition to a low-carbon economy is hindered by fragmented governance, inadequate investment, and a reliance on hydrocarbon assets that risk becoming 'stranded'. It highlights the specific challenges in West Africa, where over 57% of the population lacks electricity access despite abundant solar, wind, and hydro resources. Using Nigeria as a case study, the briefing notes a trend toward decentralized solar projects in universities and businesses, but warns that these must be integrated into national grids to avoid inefficient clusters. The authors recommend that African governments prioritize robust, adapted technologies and align country-level actions with regional visions to build climate resilience.

The document argues that Belgium and the Netherlands are in breach of international law by exporting high sulfur fuels to West African states, specifically those party to the Bamako Convention. It concludes that these fuels qualify as hazardous wastes under the Bamako Convention and, by extension, under the Basel Convention for countries with monist legal systems. The report asserts that such exports violate the Basel Convention's prohibition on exporting hazardous wastes to parties that have banned their import, breach customary international law by frustrating the treaty's purpose, and violate extraterritorial human rights obligations regarding the right to health.

The document details a February 2017 stakeholder meeting in Cotonou, Benin, focused on the role of Savings Groups (SGs) in promoting development. It highlights how SGs act as platforms for agricultural training and value chain participation, health financing and education, and as gateways to formal financial services. The report identifies challenges such as market access for agricultural products and a tension between the need for formal regulation and the value of informal learning processes. It concludes with priorities for the sector, including the creation of a national SG working group and a national mapping of SGs.

The document details a training workshop conducted from July 3 to 7, 2017, in Bamako, Mali, for 32 officials from UEMOA member states. Organized by the Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF) and the UEMOA Commission, the training aimed to equip administrators with the tools to critically analyze feasibility studies and economic models to ensure a fair distribution of mining rents between states and companies. Key modules covered project financing, extractive rent sharing, economic modeling (including NPV, IRR, and WACC), and the risks associated with stability clauses. The workshop emphasized that economic models in PDF format are insufficient for decision-making and that focusing on the investor's fair rate of return is a more effective approach to rent sharing than focusing solely on taxation levels.

The document examines the gap between Africa's formal legal commitments to freedom of movement and the actual practice of migration governance. While the African Union and various Regional Economic Communities have established frameworks to promote labour mobility and economic integration, implementation remains inconsistent. West Africa is highlighted as the most advanced model, whereas Southern Africa is noted for a securitised approach to migration. The brief argues that aligning regional policies and improving communication on the net benefits of migration are essential for unlocking the continent's development potential.

This research paper examines the challenges facing Nigeria's foreign policy since its return to electoral democracy in 1999, arguing that domestic instability and leadership failures have undermined its regional and global influence.

The document analyzes Côte d’Ivoire's transition from a passive actor during decades of crisis to a re-emerging regional power under President Alassane Ouattara. It examines the institutional framework of Ivorian diplomacy, its bilateral relations with neighbors, and its leadership roles within regional organizations like UEMOA and ECOWAS, while noting the enduring influence of Félix Houphouët-Boigny's legacy.

The report finds that public finance for REDD+ objectives in Côte d’Ivoire is severely insufficient, with 2015 investments of FCFA 16.8 billion representing a small fraction of the estimated FCFA 173 billion annual need for the 2030 forest cover target. A significant amount of public funding (FCFA 84.2 billion) is classified as 'grey finance'—agricultural intensification that lacks safeguards and may drive deforestation. The analysis highlights critical gaps in national planning, underfunding of land-use planning and land tenure, and institutional weaknesses in agencies like SODEFOR. It argues that 'greening' existing agricultural finance and creating a National REDD+ Fund could significantly increase aligned investment.

The report assesses climate variability and future projections across central, eastern, western, and southern Africa, highlighting a critical gap in observational data and a lack of consensus among climate models. It details regional risks—such as the 'east African climate change paradox' and the vulnerability of the Congo rainforest—while providing country-specific analysis for Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. The document emphasizes the need for improved high-resolution modelling and better communication of scientific uncertainty to support adaptation in agriculture, water, energy, and urban infrastructure.

The document examines how ECOWAS implements the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on 'sustaining peace' through conflict prevention, mediation, and peacebuilding. It highlights ECOWAS's sophisticated early warning system (ECOWARN) and its recent institutionalization of mediation through a new directorate, while noting significant gaps in post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD). The paper argues for clearer definitions of comparative advantage and subsidiarity between ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) to avoid duplication and improve regional stability.

The document analyzes Nigeria's struggle to maintain its status as a 'regional hegemon' since the return to democracy in 1999. It argues that while Nigeria has a history of assertive 'Africa-centred' foreign policy, this has been eroded by domestic instability, corruption, the Boko Haram insurgency, and a lack of strategic leadership. The author highlights a shift in continental pre-eminence from Nigeria to South Africa and notes that Nigeria's regional influence in West Africa is contested and often dependent on external actors like France. The paper concludes that only a fundamental restructuring of domestic governance and the economy can restore Nigeria's international standing.

The document details a two-day workshop held in October 2016 in Dakar, Senegal, involving over 25 participants from seven West African countries. It examines the implications of the Paris Agreement, specifically Article 6 and carbon markets, while highlighting the failures of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the challenges of accessing the Green Climate Fund. The workshop concluded with the 'Dakar Declaration,' which provides six specific recommendations for West African negotiators at COP22 to ensure the new sustainable development mechanism prioritises human rights, the least developed countries, and a shift from market-based offsets to climate finance.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The document analyzes how two climate scenarios, Radical Emissions Reduction (RER) and High-end Climate Change (HCC), impact four Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the stability of Saudi Arabia and Nigeria. Under RER, the transition to meet Paris Agreement targets may trigger food-versus-fuel conflicts, gender-based violence from biofuel-driven displacement, and geopolitical instability in oil-dependent states. Conversely, the HCC scenario suggests that climate-driven agricultural failure and water scarcity would exacerbate armed conflicts, global inequality, and the influence of extremist groups. The authors argue that the short-term geopolitical costs of rapid climate action must be integrated into national policy formulation to manage risks effectively.

The document reviews Ghana's climate risk profile, noting that while it is less vulnerable than some West African neighbors, the northern regions face high risks due to poverty and reliance on rain-fed agriculture. It evaluates national policies like the National Climate Change Policy (2014) and the National Climate Change Adaptation Strategy (2010–2020), finding that while these provide a framework, sectoral policies—particularly in agriculture and health—often lack concrete adaptation actions. The review identifies a strong concentration of adaptation projects in the agricultural sector, primarily in northern Ghana, and notes that while Ghana is a significant recipient of bilateral adaptation funds in Sub-Saharan Africa, there is a gap in funding for the water, fisheries, and health sectors.

Mali is highly vulnerable to climate change due to its dependence on agriculture, low development levels, and political fragility. While the government has established a comprehensive policy framework—including the National Climate Change Policy and the Mali Climate Fund—integration of climate risks into sectoral and sub-national policies remains weak. Adaptation efforts are heavily concentrated in the agricultural and livestock sectors, with significant gaps in support for the fishing sector and pastoralists in the northern regions. Most adaptation projects are funded by international donors and focus on institutional capacity building and food security.

Senegal is highly vulnerable to climate change due to its dependence on rain-fed agriculture and fisheries, and a population concentrated along a coastline exposed to sea level rise. While the government has established coordinating bodies like the National Climate Change Committee and identified priority sectors in its NAPA and INDC, the report finds that climate adaptation is not yet effectively mainstreamed into most national sectoral policies or subnational planning. Current adaptation projects primarily target agriculture, water resources, and disaster risk management, often using ecosystem-based approaches, but gaps remain in the health and tourism sectors.

Burkina Faso is highly vulnerable to climate change due to its heavy reliance on rain-fed agriculture and livestock, which employ approximately 80-90% of its workforce. The country faces risks from rising temperatures, rainfall variability, and extreme events like floods and droughts. While the government has established a National Adaptation Plan (2015) and a coordinating body (CONEDD), adaptation efforts remain heavily concentrated in the agricultural sector, with limited integration into health or urban planning. Adaptation is largely driven by international funding and regional projects, with a significant gap in subnational guidance and local government capacity.

The SEI Initiative on Low Emission Development Pathways (LED-P) provides tools and research to help governments, particularly in developing countries, simultaneously address greenhouse gas emissions, short-lived climate pollutants (SLCPs), and air pollution. A central output is the LEAP-Integrated Benefits Calculator (LEAP-IBC), which quantifies the health, vegetation, and climate benefits of specific mitigation measures. The initiative focuses on filling data gaps, building technical capacity, and developing policy frameworks to move beyond aspirational scenarios toward credible transition pathways.