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This research paper assesses the impact of removing consumer fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 across 26 countries, finding a simple average GHG emission reduction of 6% by 2030 compared to business as usual. The study argues that while FFSR alone is insufficient to meet Paris Agreement goals, combining it with a 10% energy tax and reallocating 30% of savings into renewable energy and energy efficiency could increase average reductions to 13.2% by 2030. It highlights that FFSR is a cost-effective tool, saving governments an average of USD 93 per tonne of CO2e removed. The paper also reviews the regressive nature of fuel subsidies and advocates for 'subsidy swaps' toward sustainable energy and social safety nets, noting that only 8% of current NDCs explicitly include FFSR.

This report from the Executive Council (EC) of the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) outlines the council's activities and recommendations ahead of the 27th Meeting of the Conference of the Parties (CoP-27) in Brasilia, Brazil. The EC provides guidance on the IAI Strategic Plan, the election rules for the Science and Policy Advisory Committee, and the establishment of flexible funding mechanisms for global change projects in the Americas.

This report from the Chair of the Executive Council (EC) of the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) outlines the EC's activities and recommendations ahead of the 27th meeting of the Conference of the Parties (CoP-27) in Brasilia, Brazil.

In Q1 2019, global green bond issuance reached USD 47.9 billion, a 42% increase over Q1 2018. The market was driven by non-financial corporates, particularly in the energy sector, and dominated by developed markets in the USA, France, and Canada. Energy, buildings, and transport accounted for 81% of the use of proceeds. The report also highlights that while post-issuance reporting is common among larger issuers and those with external reviews, there is a lack of consistency in the metrics used to report environmental impacts.

The document examines the transition in Sudan after the ousting of Omar al-Bashir, highlighting the tension between the civilian-led Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) and the military-led Transitional Military Council (TMC). It argues that while regime change occurred on paper, the 'Islamic security state' remains influential. The author outlines five scenarios ranging from a return to the status quo or civil war to successful systemic reform, emphasizing that economic recovery and security sector transformation are critical for success.

The document analyzes the similarities and differences between China's engagement with Africa via the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and with Arab states via the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF). It finds that while China–Arab relations are characterized by deeper economic and energy ties, China–Africa relations are more robust in terms of cultural diplomacy, people-to-people exchanges, and military engagement. The author highlights how China uses Africa as a testing ground for foreign policy initiatives and notes potential frictions in the Horn of Africa where Chinese and Gulf state interests overlap.

Uganda is a major net recipient of remittances, with inflows contributing approximately 4% to its GDP in 2016. While mobile money has expanded access, the sector faces significant hurdles, including high costs for transfers from developed countries, an oligopolistic mobile money market, and restrictive KYC requirements that exclude approximately 16% of adults without national IDs. Infrastructure gaps in rural areas—specifically poor roads and low electrification—further hinder the expansion of formal services. The report highlights the disruptive potential of the 2018 mobile money tax and recommends mandating interoperability, adopting a risk-based approach to AML/CFT, and transitioning from interim guidelines to a formal e-money law.

The document advocates for 'green urban industrialisation' in Ethiopia, specifically through a corridor approach that connects urban clusters. Using the Kombolcha–Mek’ele corridor as a case study, it suggests that integrating transport, infrastructure, and resource management across administrative boundaries can prevent carbon-intensive development and maximise economic productivity. Key recommendations include identifying catalytic projects in green housing, waste, and water management, improving institutional coordination between federal and regional levels, and aligning local urban plans with national climate strategies.

In 2017, global green bond issuance reached USD 155.5 billion, a 78% increase over 2016. The market was led by the US, China, and France, with a notable rise in sovereign issuance and the emergence of new issuers from 37 countries. While renewable energy remains the primary use of proceeds, there was significant growth in allocations for low carbon buildings and transport. The report highlights a push toward harmonized international standards and forecasts a need for the market to reach USD 1 trillion by 2020 to impact climate targets.

The report analyzes energy pricing reforms in the MENA region, specifically within the GCC, following the 2014 oil price collapse. It argues that while price increases are a regional trend, they are not yet a norm and risk political instability if not accompanied by social safety nets and labor market reforms. The document details specific reform measures in countries like Saudi Arabia, Oman, and Morocco, and provides technical recommendations for international assistance to support a transition toward productive economies.

The RISE 2018 report tracks sustainable energy policies across 133 countries, finding that the number of nations with advanced frameworks tripled between 2010 and 2017. While progress is evident, the global average score of 58/100 suggests the world is only halfway to advanced policy adoption, potentially jeopardizing SDG7 and Paris Agreement goals. The report highlights a strong focus on electricity over heating and transport, a decline in utility creditworthiness in access-deficit countries, and a gap between 'on paper' regulations and actual enforcement.

Between 2010 and 2015, US$ 978 million in climate finance was committed to seven Indian Ocean and African SIDS, with 83% of these funds concentrated in Cape Verde and Mauritius. The financing was dominated by bilateral ODA loans (74%) and primarily targeted mitigation (56%) over adaptation (42%). Sectoral focus was narrow, concentrating on water and sanitation, energy, and general environmental protection, while critical resilience sectors like health, education, and agriculture were largely ignored. Disbursement rates were notably low, with only 39% of committed funds actually spent across the region, a rate significantly lower than for non-climate ODA.

The report describes a 'silent coup' in South Africa where a power elite centered around President Jacob Zuma and the Gupta family established a symbiotic relationship between the constitutional state and a 'shadow state'. This network repurposed state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and government departments to redirect public rents into private hands. The authors argue that the rhetoric of 'radical economic transformation' (RET) was used as a smokescreen for this systemic looting. Key mechanisms of capture included the manipulation of SOE boards, the ballooning of the public service to ensure political loyalty, and the subversion of security and intelligence agencies to protect the network and neutralize opposition. The report highlights specific cases of corruption at Transnet, Eskom, and Denel, and warns that the proposed Russian nuclear deal is a primary vehicle for massive future rent extraction.

The document assesses the financial links between natural resource extraction and violent extremism in Africa, finding that while the LRA relies heavily on ivory and the Janjaweed on gold, al-Shabaab primarily funds itself through charcoal taxation, and Boko Haram derives little to no revenue from resource extraction.

The document analyzes France's strategic use of its territories, military presence, and diplomatic ties to maintain influence in the Indian Ocean Region. It highlights the tension between established powers like France and emerging economies such as China, India, and South Africa, particularly regarding the 'Blue Economy' and maritime security.

The report examines the transition of the exhaustion of local remedies (ELR) rule from a customary international law requirement to one that is largely waived in modern investment treaties. It analyzes how tribunals interpret silence in treaties as a waiver and explores the legal distinctions between ELR as a jurisdictional versus procedural requirement. The document also details how ELR is applied as a substantive standard in denial of justice and expropriation claims, and concludes with recommendations for states to explicitly define ELR requirements and exceptions in their treaties to safeguard state sovereignty.

The document analyzes the 'exhaustion of local remedies' (ELR) rule, which requires foreign investors to seek redress in a host state's domestic courts before initiating international arbitration. It notes that while ELR is a cornerstone of customary international law and human rights law, it has been largely bypassed in international investment law, where silence in treaties is often interpreted as a waiver. The guide details various treaty practices—including explicit requirements, time-limited exercises of remedies, and express waivers—and reviews jurisprudence on whether ELR is a jurisdictional or procedural requirement. It concludes by providing policy recommendations for states wishing to reintroduce ELR to protect national sovereignty and strengthen domestic legal systems.

Between 2010 and 2014, US$748 million in climate finance primarily targeting climate change was committed to 15 Pacific SIDS, predominantly as grants. The funding was split between adaptation (59%) and mitigation (36%), with 72% sourced through bilateral channels, led by Australia. The vast majority of support (86%) was project-based, with a heavy concentration in creating 'enabling environments' and renewable energy. The analysis notes that Polynesian countries were more successful in attracting diverse funding than Micronesian countries, and highlights significant differences in flexibility and transaction costs between bilateral and multilateral funding sources.

Between 2010 and 2014, Kiribati received US$30.5 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change objectives, with a majority supporting mitigation. An additional US$81.7 million in ODA provided climate co-benefits. The primary contributors were Australia, the United Arab Emirates, and the Global Environment Facility, with funding concentrated in environmental policy and solar energy.

Between 2010 and 2014, Tonga received US$67.4 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change, with a majority (59.7%) supporting mitigation. The primary contributors were Japan and the Climate Investment Funds (CIFs), with significant funding directed toward renewable energy and environmental policy. Additionally, Tonga was allocated US$2.64 million from the Global Environment Facility for a renewable energy project between January 2015 and September 2016.