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The report analyzes the environmental vulnerability of West Africa, focusing on the interplay between poverty, environmental degradation, and natural hazards. It identifies key sensitivities in health, water availability, and food security, while detailing the diverse farming systems and urban livelihoods that shape resilience. The document emphasizes that vulnerability is exacerbated by social inequities, political conflict, and population growth, and argues for integrated poverty reduction strategies that prioritize diversification and adaptive capacity to mitigate the impacts of climate change and resource scarcity.

The document analyzes the NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), detailing its five-stage review process, its organizational structure involving the APR Forum and Panel of Eminent Persons, and its complex relationship with the African Union. It highlights the tension between political governance review and economic governance, the role of partner institutions like the UNECA and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and the challenges of financing and institutional capacity in ensuring the mechanism's efficacy.

The Basel Action Network and a coalition of environmental NGOs oppose the U.S. State Department's plan to selectively ratify the 1989 Basel Convention while refusing the 1995 Ban Amendment. The authors argue that the original convention is inadequate and that the Ban Amendment is essential to end 'toxic colonialism' by prohibiting hazardous waste exports from OECD countries to non-OECD nations. They contend that the ban provides a necessary incentive for industry to reduce waste production and toxicity, and they urge the U.S. to either ratify the entire framework or not accede to the treaty at all.

The Harare Declaration, adopted during the first African Conference on Debt and Development (AfCoDD) in August 2021, calls for a systemic overhaul of the global debt architecture to address the vulnerabilities of African nations. It highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty and debt burdens, potentially pushing 39 million Africans into extreme poverty. The document criticizes the current system for prioritizing creditor interests over social and environmental justice, noting a shift toward commercial bonds and a lack of transparency in debt contraction. To counter this, the declaration proposes the creation of an African Monitoring and Control Mechanism, a Monetary Fund, and an African Bank. It further advocates for a feminist approach to macroeconomics, a green recovery aligned with the AU's Agenda 2063, and the possibility of collective debt default to break the cycle of neoliberal dependency.

The Gambia's INDC process, launched in January 2015 with support from the German government and CDKN, highlights the value of using the process to build national capacity and stakeholder buy-in. However, the process also reveals significant limitations in technical analysis due to a lack of robust time series data and cross-sectoral analysis. Ultimately, the document argues that while technical inputs are essential, the final determination of INDCs is a political decision driven by leadership and political will.

The document calls for G20 leadership in the climate transition, noting that these economies produce 80% of global carbon emissions. It argues that climate action is essential for long-term economic prosperity, citing risks of GDP loss and the high cost of inaction compared to the cost of current investment. The authors urge G20 members to meet the March 2015 timeline for emission reduction commitments ahead of the Paris treaty.

The report argues that for climate change actions to be successfully implemented, they must be integrated into national planning and finance regimes rather than remaining isolated within environment ministries. It presents ten propositions across three domains: policy and planning effectiveness, institutional effectiveness, and resource effectiveness. Evidence from Bangladesh, Ethiopia, India, Kenya, Pakistan, Peru, and Uganda suggests that while policy frameworks are generally supportive, challenges remain regarding institutional capacity, inter-agency coordination, and the transparency of NDC financing.

The document outlines a three-step process for NDC implementation: preparatory work, plan elaboration, and execution. It emphasizes a holistic approach across five key modules: governance, mitigation, adaptation, finance, and measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV). The guide stresses the importance of integrating climate actions into national development planning, ensuring gender sensitivity, and aligning with Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The report details how over 500,000 tonnes of fish are diverted annually from West African coastal communities to produce FMFO for European and Asian aquaculture and livestock. It identifies Mauritania as the primary exporter, with a significant portion of its fish oil destined for the EU, particularly France and Denmark. The document links this trade to major European aquafeed companies and retailers, while highlighting the severe socio-economic impacts on local artisanal fishermen and women processors.

The document argues that the aquaculture industry's dependence on wild-caught fish for feed is ecologically and financially unsustainable, exposing investors and retailers to systemic resource risks, price volatility, and reputational damage. It highlights links between major European aquafeed producers and destructive fishing practices in India, Vietnam, and The Gambia, while asserting that current certification schemes, specifically those from the Marine Ingredients Organisation (IFFO), are ineffective 'smokescreens'.

The report examines the industrial aquaculture sector's dependence on fishmeal and fish oil (FMFO), highlighting how the extraction of forage fish disrupts marine food webs and undermines food security in vulnerable coastal regions. It criticizes the lack of transparency in supply chains and the inadequacy of current certification schemes, while calling for a transition toward herbivorous species and alternative proteins to protect ocean health.

The report finds that Swiss retailers largely fail to ensure sustainable aquaculture supply chains, with none meeting half of the assessed sustainability indicators. It highlights the ecological and social risks of using wild fish for aquaculture feed, the inadequacy of current certification labels, and the poor state of fish welfare in farms. The authors advocate for the decoupling of aquaculture from wild fisheries through alternative feeds and the promotion of herbivorous fish species.

Carbon Market Watch argues for stringent rules to prevent double counting, 'hot air' credits, and the inclusion of REDD-plus in carbon markets. It advocates for a 'net atmospheric benefit' through discounting, the establishment of a share of proceeds for adaptation and loss and damage, and the integration of a human rights-based approach into the core agreement to protect vulnerable populations.

The document provides a statistical overview of remittances from the UK to Africa, detailing the cost as a percentage of the amount sent, the size of the diaspora population in the UK, and the total annual amount of money sent for 16 African nations. Nigeria is the largest recipient by volume, with £2,363 million sent annually, while Tanzania has the highest cost of sending at 14%.

The briefing examines the execution of nine prisoners by firing squad in the Gambia on 26 August, noting that it ended a 27-year hiatus on capital punishment. It highlights the lack of due process, the disregard for pleas from the African Union and international bodies, and the resulting strain on relations with Senegal. The text argues that these actions represent a regression in the country's democratisation and human rights progress, particularly as the Gambia hosts the African Court of Justice but has not ratified the Second Optional Protocol to the ICCPR or the 1984 Convention against Torture.

The handbook provides a comprehensive guide for African environmental and land rights defenders (ELRDs), detailing the threats they face—including SLAPP suits and gender-based violence—and the legal avenues available for redress. It outlines the roles of the African Commission and African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, as well as sub-regional courts like the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice. The document emphasizes the vulnerability of women, youth, and Indigenous communities, and provides a directory of emergency funds and support organizations.

The document examines the African Union's (AU) unprecedented attempt to use military compellence against the government of Burundi in December 2015. After diplomatic efforts and targeted sanctions failed to stop violence against civilians, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) issued an ultimatum threatening a non-consensual military intervention under Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act. The authors argue that this threat failed to materialise due to the Burundian government's strategic use of its status as a troop-contributing country, a lack of unity among AU member states, and a regional culture of autocracy where neighbouring leaders were reluctant to challenge the extension of presidential term limits.

The research examines the transition from Yahya Jammeh's autocracy to the 'New Gambia' under President Adama Barrow, noting a surge in public accusations of 'tribalism'. The authors argue that these accusations are 'anticipatory and speculative', driven by fears of future ethnic monopolies on power rather than current organised mobilisation. Historically, Gambian politics has largely downplayed ethnicity, with the exception of the late Jammeh era where he used anti-Mandinka rhetoric. In the 'New Gambia', the discourse focuses on the moral character of political actors, where accusing an opponent of tribalism serves to delegitimise them as 'indecent' or 'uncivilised'. The authors conclude that while ethnic identification exists in daily life and is linked to livelihoods, it remains a marginal tool for formal political power compared to the potent use of tribalist slurs as a meta-political weapon.

The research evaluates three dimensions of state capacity—coercion (revenue extraction), co-optation (government spending), and cooperation (trust in institutions)—to determine their impact on the onset of civil war. Using a global dataset, the authors find that high government spending and trustworthy institutions (proxied by contract-intensive money) are significant predictors of civil peace, whereas coercive capacity (relative political capacity) has little predictive power when controlling for other factors. The findings suggest that civil peace is co-produced through social cooperation and the provision of public goods rather than through state repression.

The study argues that while rising food prices create economic grievances, these only translate into urban unrest if societal organizations—such as civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties—are present to provide mobilization structures and frame grievances. Using data from 41 African countries, the author finds that state repression of these organizations generally decreases the probability of unrest. Interestingly, the highest risk of unrest occurs in moderately repressive regimes that still allow some organizational activity, rather than in completely open societies, where citizens may prefer voting over protesting or where organizations provide alternative coping mechanisms.