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The P-REC Aggregation Fund monetizes Peace Renewable Energy Credits (P-RECs)—a high-quality type of International Renewable Energy Certificate (I-REC) with peacebuilding co-benefits—to provide upfront capital to renewable energy developers in fragile states. By aggregating these certificates and selling them to impact-seeking corporations (such as RE100 members), the Fund aims to provide developers with approximately 10% of construction costs, thereby unlocking further infrastructure finance. The report models a 13-year proof-of-concept phase with a USD 10.25 million fund size, projecting the generation of 812,116 P-RECs and the avoidance of approximately 658,000 tCO2e of emissions.

The report assesses the development prospects of the Horn of Africa, highlighting how governance failure, insecurity, and climate-driven food instability hinder progress. It uses the International Futures platform to project that without intervention, no country in the region will eliminate extreme poverty by 2030. The analysis identifies a critical 'youth bulge' and severe infrastructure deficits in energy, transport, and water. To counter these trends, the authors propose an 'Integrated Development Push' scenario combining improved governance, agricultural modernisation, and investments in human capital and basic infrastructure to boost regional GDP and reduce poverty by 2040.

The document analyzes coal finance in 18 high-impact countries (HICs) in South Asia and Africa, highlighting that while global trends shift toward renewables, significant coal investment persists, largely driven by Chinese state-owned institutions. It argues that coal is an inefficient path to universal electricity access compared to distributed renewables and warns of stranded asset risks, citing overcapacity in Bangladesh and Pakistan.

The document critiques orthodox macroeconomic policies for ignoring social reproduction and gendered power dynamics, particularly in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic in Africa. It argues that neoliberal austerity and financialisation have undermined public services and increased the burden of unpaid care on women. The authors propose a recovery based on a 'feminist green economy,' increased fiscal space through progressive taxation and debt cancellation, and a shift toward a social reproductive economy that prioritises basic income and universal access to essential services.

The 2018 peace agreement and subsequent trilateral alliance between Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia have resolved historical conflicts but introduced new instabilities. The alliance has exacerbated internal tensions in Ethiopia and Somalia, specifically fueling the conflict in Tigray and tensions in Jubaland. Furthermore, the exclusive nature of this bloc has created distrust among other regional actors like Kenya and Djibouti and threatens to undermine the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) by duplicating its integration efforts.

The document examines the role of nuclear science and technology in Africa, highlighting the use of 10 research reactors for education and medical/environmental research. It emphasizes the critical need for radiotherapy machines to combat rising cancer rates and the use of nuclear techniques in agriculture to ensure food security and manage zoonotic diseases. The brief outlines the legal framework for peaceful use, including the Pelindaba Treaty and the NPT, and identifies challenges such as public skepticism, financial instability, and safety risks. It recommends expanded continental training and continued cooperation with the IAEA and AFCONE.

The report assesses the impact of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on African infrastructure, economic growth, trade, and debt sustainability. While finding that Chinese investment helps close the infrastructure gap and can boost GDP, the authors note risks including debt distress in specific countries, environmental degradation, and the crowding out of local manufacturing by Chinese imports. Case studies in Kenya, Ethiopia, and Nigeria demonstrate positive outcomes in transport and energy, though the failure of Nigeria's NIGCOM satellite highlights risks of using the continent as a testing ground. The report concludes that benefits generally outweigh costs, provided African nations improve project management and negotiate more symmetrical trade and loan terms.

The author argues that South Africa's foreign policy for twenty-five years has often contradicted its own constitutional human rights principles, frequently shielding rights-abusing regimes to maintain an 'anti-imperialist' stance against the West. This is evidenced by its voting records on the UN Human Rights Council, where it historically supported authoritarian states and opposed investigations into human rights violations. However, the document notes a shift starting in 2019, with South Africa supporting investigations into Myanmar and Yemen, and showing renewed support for LGBTI rights reporting.

The document examines the digital divide's impact on climate practitioners in Africa, Asia, and South America, identifying barriers such as unreliable electricity and high data costs while highlighting the benefits of increased accessibility and reduced travel costs. It provides specific lessons from IPCC meetings and national processes in Kenya and Peru to improve inclusivity in virtual spaces.

The document argues that conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has historically been overlooked in peace talks but must be integrated into every phase of the peace process. It emphasizes broadening the lens of victims to include men and boys, who face significant social stigma and service gaps. The briefing provides specific recommendations for early-stage agreements, ceasefire negotiations, Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR), Security Sector Reform (SSR), and transitional justice, highlighting the need for accountability, gender-sensitive security indicators, and recognition for children born of wartime sexual violence.

The document analyzes how gender norms, poverty, and social structures exacerbate the vulnerabilities of women and girls to heat stress and limit their access to cooling services. It highlights specific risks in healthcare, domestic labor, and agriculture, while calling for sex-disaggregated data and gender-transformative policies to achieve universal sustainable cooling.

The report argues that the Central African Republic remains trapped in a cycle of violence despite numerous peace agreements, most recently the 2019 Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation. It finds that the 2019 agreement is untenable because key provisions, such as the creation of mixed special security units (MSSUs) and an inclusive government, have failed to deter armed groups from continuing violence and controlling territory. The author highlights a 'war economy' where armed groups and some government officials benefit from instability and the illicit exploitation of resources. Furthermore, the report suggests that heavy reliance on international humanitarian aid has inadvertently reduced state responsibility and created local resentment. It recommends a comprehensive plan involving the African Union, ECCAS, and the UN that focuses on rebuilding the economic fabric, securing borders through regional cooperation with Chad, Sudan, and South Sudan, and establishing time-bound objectives for self-reliance.

The policy brief argues that climate adaptation measures often have cross-border effects that can redistribute vulnerability or create 'maladaptation' if not managed through a lens of justice and connectedness. It introduces a framework combining procedural and distributive justice with a systemic understanding of global connectivity to prevent the shifting of risks from wealthy to vulnerable actors. Using case studies from the Brazilian coffee supply chain and the Blue Nile Basin, the authors demonstrate how coordinated international action and improved efficiency can mitigate regional tensions and human security risks. The brief concludes with recommendations for strengthening multilateral cooperation, developing shared normative principles, and crafting incentives to prevent 'risk-dumping'.

The GCF Board's 27th meeting resulted in the adoption of the Updated Strategic Plan (2020–2023), which sets goals for the first replenishment period (GCF-1), including a 50:50 balance between mitigation and adaptation funding. The Board approved 15 funding proposals, including several REDD-plus and Simplified Approval Process (SAP) projects, and accredited four new entities. The meeting also covered the 2021 administrative budget, work plans for independent units, and discussions on the Integrated Results Management Framework (IRMF) and the MOPAN assessment.

The report finds that while health is a priority in National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), SRHR is largely overlooked in overarching documents, creating a gap between sector-specific health planning and national climate strategy. It argues that realizing SRHR is a foundation for climate resilience and recommends integrating SRHR into vulnerability assessments, gender analyses, and monitoring systems.

The report analyzes 19 general NAP documents, five health-sector NAPs, and five Green Climate Fund proposals to assess the integration of sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in climate adaptation planning. It finds that while health is universally prioritized, specific SRHR issues are rarely addressed in general NAPs and often disconnected from sector-specific health plans. The document argues that SRHR is a fundamental basis for climate resilience, as its denial limits women's agency and participation in climate action. It provides eight recommendations to better integrate SRHR through gender-responsive vulnerability assessments, inter-agency collaboration, and systemic health sector adaptation.

The report analyzes 19 National Adaptation Plan (NAP) documents, sectoral health plans, and Green Climate Fund proposals to assess the integration of sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). It finds that while health is universally prioritized as a sector for adaptation, specific SRHR issues are rarely addressed. The document argues that climate change negatively impacts SRHR and that the denial of these rights increases climate vulnerability. It recommends using existing gender and health guidelines, incorporating SRHR into vulnerability assessments, and fostering collaboration between government bodies responsible for climate, gender, and health to ensure inclusive and rights-based adaptation strategies.

The document defines confidence-building measures (CBMs) as actions intended to increase trust and transparency between conflict parties. It categorizes CBMs into five types—political, economic, environmental, societal, and cultural—and outlines ten characteristics of successful measures, emphasizing the need for gendered conflict resolution analysis. The briefing highlights specific cases where women's engagement influenced peace processes in Yemen, Kenya, Senegal, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Colombia, Northern Ireland, and the former Yugoslavia, concluding with recommendations for gender-inclusive, multi-track approaches to peace.

The document argues that gender-blind climate interventions risk deepening inequalities and undermining resilience. It proposes a project cycle that begins with representative stakeholder committees and gender-disaggregated data collection to understand differential vulnerabilities. The guide details tools like 'problem tree' analysis and the 'resilience wheel' to design transformative solutions. It emphasizes the use of SMART and SPICED indicators to track progress, illustrated through five case studies in Cambodia, Tanzania, Malawi, Nigeria, and Ecuador, which demonstrate the 'double win' of achieving both climate goals and gender empowerment.

The report finds that finance for energy access in high-impact countries (HICs) remains critically insufficient. In 2019, tracked electricity finance in HICs fell to USD 32 billion, with residential access funding at less than one-third of the required annual investment. Clean cooking investment has stagnated around USD 130 million annually, far below the USD 4.5 billion needed. While private investment in clean cooking reached a peak of USD 56 million in 2019, multilateral DFI support plummeted. The report emphasizes the need for climate-resilient infrastructure, as seen in Mozambique, and highlights divergent technological paths in Ghana (LPG) and Vietnam (biogas).