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The Targeting Natural Resource Corruption (TNRC) project, implemented from 2018 to 2024 by WWF and a consortium of partners, focused on mitigating the impact of corruption on biodiversity, fisheries, and forests. With a $10 million knowledge project and $20 million in country-based investments, the initiative developed over 150 resources via a Knowledge Hub and trained more than 1,200 NGO staff. The project field-tested anti-corruption interventions in six countries and co-founded the Countering Environmental Practitioners Forum, which now includes over 600 global members.

The study identifies US$3.2 billion in energy development finance for five Western Balkan countries between 2008 and 2020, noting that approximately one-third of disbursed funds supported non-renewable energy sources. While disbursement ratios exceeded the global average, the total funding remained insufficient, ranging from 0.15% to 0.62% of the average GDP for the analyzed countries. The research found no established link between the 2016 Paris Agreement and an increase in finance flows for renewable energy projects.

The report identifies four 'pillars' of protest—demands, strategy, composition, and organization—that influence the size of a movement and the likelihood of regime loyalty shifts. It argues that non-violent, broad-based campaigns demanding regime change are most likely to succeed and lead to democratic consolidation. However, it notes a recent decline in the success rate of such movements and a rise in anti-liberal protests. For international democracy promoters, the report recommends investing in civil society infrastructure during stable periods rather than attempting to instigate regime shifts.

The text defends environmental protest and civil disobedience as essential democratic instruments for addressing the climate and biodiversity crises. It highlights the role of movements like Fridays for Future and Extinction Rebellion in mainstreaming climate action while warning against a global trend of criminalising activists through repressive legislation. The author criticises 'greenwashing' and 'citizenwashing' by private and public sectors, particularly within the COP framework, and calls on the EU to uphold the Aarhus Convention to ensure genuine public participation in environmental decision-making.

The report details a project (2019-2023) to integrate GESEP considerations into Bosnia and Herzegovina's environmental strategy. It outlines a three-level approach targeting the project team, activities, and outputs, resulting in a 'socially aware' strategy. Key outcomes include increased stakeholder awareness and the incorporation of GESEP principles into national development planning laws, though the report notes challenges such as COVID-19 limitations and a lack of redistributive measures.

The report analyzes how UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (HRTBs) are increasingly integrating climate change into their oversight of State obligations. In 2022, HRTBs made 95 references to climate change in their pronouncements, reflecting a trend toward treating the climate crisis as an urgent human rights issue. Key focus areas include the obligation of developed states to mitigate emissions, the need to phase out fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups such as children, women, persons with disabilities, and Indigenous Peoples. A landmark decision by the Human Rights Committee in Billy et al. v. Australia established a State's duty to protect individuals under its jurisdiction from climate impacts and provide effective remedies. The report emphasizes the growing role of HRTBs in defining extraterritorial obligations and the duty to regulate private corporate actors contributing to environmental degradation.

The report analyzes the increasing engagement of UN human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs) with climate change, noting that in 2022, 52 percent of outputs to States included climate-related recommendations. It highlights a shift toward more specific demands regarding mitigation, the phasing out of fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups, including children, women, and Indigenous Peoples. A landmark decision by the Human Rights Committee in Billy et al. v. Australia established a State's duty to protect individuals from climate impacts and provide effective remedy. The document argues for further HRTB guidance on extraterritorial obligations and the regulation of private business actors to prevent climate-induced human rights violations.

The document examines the implications of India's discovery of 5.9 million tons of lithium in Jammu and Kashmir, arguing that while it could bolster India's energy independence and EV goals, it risks exacerbating internal communal tensions and international conflict with Pakistan. It highlights environmental threats to the Chenab River watershed and suggests that the U.S. should promote global mining governance, technological alternatives like sodium-ion batteries, and demand-reduction policies to mitigate these risks.

The document analyzes plans for €3.5 billion in new gas-fired power plants, pipelines, and LNG terminals in the Western Balkans. It argues that these projects, promoted by EU and U.S. institutions, would create a dependency on volatile gas markets and risk creating stranded assets, contradicting the region's carbon-neutral goals and the EU's 2050 targets.

The document argues that the Open Government Partnership (OGP) is an underutilized platform for conservationists to drive transparency, participation, and accountability in natural resource governance. It provides three specific templates for creating OGP commitments: beneficial ownership transparency to combat deforestation, openness and integrity in wildlife law enforcement, and participatory governance for Marine Protected Areas (MPAs). The guide emphasizes that these reforms help prevent 'open washing' by using multi-stakeholder forums and independent reporting to track government progress.

The document argues that conservationists have underutilized the Open Government Partnership (OGP) as a platform for achieving conservation priorities. It provides three specific templates for OGP commitments: beneficial ownership transparency to reduce deforestation, integrity in wildlife law enforcement, and participatory governance for Marine Protected Areas (MPAs). The guide explains how to identify problems, propose solutions, and define verifiable results within the OGP's multisectoral forum and independent review mechanism.

The CESCR frequently addressed climate change in its 2022 State reviews, focusing on mitigation policies, adaptation plans, and the phase-out of fossil fuels. The Committee emphasized the need for States to meet Paris Agreement commitments and highlighted extraterritorial obligations to ensure that domestic policies and international agreements do not adversely affect human rights in other countries. Additionally, the 2022 General Comment No. 26 on land rights stressed that climate mitigation measures, such as large-scale renewable energy projects, must include robust safeguards to protect human rights and the environment.

The report finds that majorities in all 73 surveyed low-emission areas have experienced extreme weather, with unusually hot weather being the most common hazard. Most respondents attribute these events to climate change, yet significant gaps in individual and household preparedness exist, particularly in South America and Europe. Recovery times vary widely, with some populations in Central Asia and the Balkans expecting recovery to take a year or more.

The document explores the 'anti-green backlash' and the practical dilemmas of the energy transition, focusing on social inequality, territorial disputes over renewables and mining, and the geopolitical implications of critical raw material sourcing. It argues that a just transition requires rebuilding the welfare state, increasing democratic participation, and addressing historical ecological debts to avoid 'eco-apartheid' and political polarisation.

The document examines the operationalisation of the Paris Agreement's Enhanced Transparency Framework (ETF), which mandates that all countries submit biennial transparency reports by December 31, 2024. It highlights the shift toward standardised reporting and review processes to increase accountability for Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). While the ETF aims to build trust and facilitate ambitious climate commitments, the author notes that developing countries face significant barriers in technical capacity, particularly in greenhouse gas accounting and measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV). The brief advocates for integrating climate tracking into national budgets, enhancing stakeholder engagement, and increasing capacity building for adaptation and loss and damage reporting, particularly in Africa.

The document details the re-accreditation reviews for three international entities: the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). All three entities are recommended for re-accreditation without conditions. ADB and EBRD are recommended for 'large' project sizes and 'high risk' (Category A/I-1) environmental and social (E&S) risk categories. UNEP is recommended for an upgrade to 'medium' project size and maintains a 'medium risk' (Category B/I-2) E&S category. The assessments cover fiduciary standards, E&S safeguards, gender policies, and the entities' overall climate portfolios, noting that all three have aligned their strategies with the Paris Agreement and GCF's 2020–2023 Strategic Plan.

The report demonstrates that Europe can achieve a 94-96% clean power system by 2035 at no extra cost compared to stated policies, provided wind and solar deployment quadruples. This transition would enable wider electrification, potentially halving fossil fuel consumption by 2030 and saving between €530 billion and €1 trillion by 2035. Key requirements include expanding interconnection, deploying electrolysers for green hydrogen, and phasing out coal by 2030 and unabated baseload gas after 2025.

The report argues that governments are reacting to the energy crisis by prioritizing short-term fossil fuel security over long-term decarbonization, risking a 'gold rush' for new gas infrastructure and domestic production. While some progress in renewables and green hydrogen is noted, the authors highlight a prevalence of 'bad practices' such as fossil fuel subsidies, tax cuts for petrol, and the expansion of LNG facilities. The document provides a framework of 'do's and don'ts', urging governments to instead focus on energy efficiency, electrification, behavioral changes, and the reinvestment of fossil fuel windfall profits into clean energy to avoid stranded assets and irreversible warming.

The document argues that while Aid for Trade (AfT) is a vital tool for sustainable development, there is a significant mismatch between the low levels of development assistance for plastic pollution and the high financial flows to the petrochemical sector. It identifies specific capacity-building needs for developing countries—such as circular economy strategies, technology access, and regulatory frameworks—and proposes short- and medium-term deliverables for WTO members to integrate plastic pollution priorities into AfT work programmes.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has forced European states to prioritize energy security over climate goals, leading to a 'dash for LNG' that outbids developing nations and encourages a global return to coal. This shift undermines EU climate leadership and risks 'locking in' long-term fossil fuel infrastructure in Africa and Asia.