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The document examines climate information services in BRACED countries, noting that while access is increasing, end-users struggle with data quality, inappropriate spatial scales, and poor communication. It details regional weather drivers like the ITCZ in Africa and the monsoon in Asia, and argues for a service-oriented approach that integrates localized, two-way communication into resilience programming to improve decision-making at the community level.

The report identifies 18 subsidies to coal extraction in China for the 2013–2015 period, quantifying 11 of them. For 2013, quantifiable subsidies (excluding credit support) totaled CNY 35.7 billion (USD 5.8 billion). The most significant quantified measures include temporary tax and fee relief from provincial and local governments (USD 1.65 billion), state budget investment in fixed assets (USD 1.27 billion), and compensations for mine shutdowns under phase-out plans (USD 1.03 billion). Credit support is identified as a potentially massive but uncertain subsidy, estimated between CNY 3.5 billion and 35.7 billion annually depending on the scenario. The report argues that these subsidies, particularly those driving long-term investment, lock in coal use and act as barriers to renewable energy deployment.

This report by the Climate Policy Initiative analyzes the scale and distribution of Chinese finance for overseas coal power projects, highlighting China's role as a major provider of finance and the potential impact of its 2015 commitment to control public investment in high-carbon overseas projects.

The report estimates that China provided USD 21-38 billion to overseas coal power projects between 2005 and 2014, with a further USD 35-72 billion planned. This financing is primarily debt used to support Chinese equipment exports and construction contracts, driven by domestic overcapacity and strategic political goals. The report analyzes China's September 2015 commitment to control public investment in high-carbon projects, estimating that up to USD 18 billion in planned investment could be discontinued, though it warns that other international lenders or export credit agencies might fill the void.

The CDKN-ICLEI First Learning Workshop in Quito, Ecuador, brought together 51 participants from 16 projects to identify enablers and barriers to sub-national climate compatible development (CCD). The workshop focused on moving from planning to implementation, resulting in a revised set of assumptions about effective CCD and the identification of critical knowledge gaps in planning, scaling, and conceptualisation. These outcomes informed seven core learning questions that project partners will address through the creation of 'Inside Stories'—reflective, evidence-based analyses of their learning processes. Regional discussions highlighted that in Asia, CCD is often framed as 'climate-smart' or 'climate-friendly' and requires strong links to poverty alleviation and gender issues, while in Latin America and the Caribbean, local framing and political will are seen as key drivers for sustainability.

The statement celebrates Uruguay's withdrawal from the Trade in Services Agreement (TISA) following a mass mobilization campaign led by unions and social movements. It characterizes TISA as a secret agreement designed to force market openness for transnational corporations, privatize public services, and dismantle state regulatory capacities, specifically targeting sectors like energy and environmental services. The author highlights that the victory in Uruguay was achieved through the use of leaked documents and a broad coalition of civil society, and calls on the other 51 participating countries to similarly abandon the negotiations.

Friends of the Earth International (FOEI) calls for solidarity with refugees and demands systemic changes to prevent future displacement. The statement identifies the Syrian civil war, resource extraction, and climate change as primary drivers of the refugee crisis and urges governments to end conflicts, phase out fossil fuels, and pursue climate justice to reduce resource scarcity and volatility.

Friends of the Earth International calls for global solidarity with refugees, particularly those fleeing the Syrian conflict, and argues that preventing future displacement requires urgent action on climate justice, the end of resource exploitation, and the reform of unfair trade agreements.

Pakistan is highly vulnerable to climate change, particularly through erratic monsoons and glacier melt affecting the Indus River system, despite being a low emitter of greenhouse gases. Recent events include devastating floods in 2010 that displaced 20 million people and more recent flash floods in northern regions like Chitral. In response, Pakistan has established the Ministry of Climate Change and adopted a National Climate Change Policy in 2012. CDKN is collaborating with various sectors to promote proactive disaster planning, low-carbon development in manufacturing hubs like Sialkot, and micro-insurance for flood-affected populations.

The report contends that the UK's Trident nuclear weapons system poses an unacceptable risk to human civilisation, arguing that its use would be 'both genocidal and suicidal'. It highlights that a single Trident submarine carries enough firepower to cause over 10 million civilian casualties and trigger a 'nuclear winter' that could threaten 2 billion people with starvation. The authors argue that the probability of unintentional use is 'not negligible' and that the system's cost—estimated up to £100bn over its lifetime—diverts essential funds from health, welfare, and climate change mitigation. The document concludes that the UK should cancel Trident replacement, remove weapons from continuous patrol, and support an international treaty to ban nuclear weapons.

The document outlines five key conclusions for developing countries creating INDCs: treating them as political statements, establishing clear structures, leveraging existing policies, conducting broad consultations, and planning for implementation. It emphasizes the need to balance ambition with feasibility, often through a combination of unilateral and conditional contributions, while aligning climate actions with national development priorities and Sustainable Development Goals.

The document argues that a high-ambition climate agreement, limiting global warming to 2°C, is essential for achieving the SDGs, particularly those related to poverty, inequality, and energy. Using global analysis and case studies from Dominica, Jamaica, Pakistan, and Uganda, the research indicates that a low-ambition agreement would significantly increase poverty levels in Asia, sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean by 2030.

The document argues that a high-ambition global climate agreement, defined as limiting global warming to 2°C by 2100, is essential for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It asserts that a low-ambition agreement would undermine efforts to eradicate extreme poverty, equalise gender relations, and provide access to water and energy over the next 15 years. The brief calls for the SDGs and their associated financing to support climate-compatible development, particularly in the poorest and most climate-vulnerable countries.

The report argues that a high-ambition climate agreement aiming to limit global warming to 2°C is essential for achieving the SDGs by 2030, particularly those related to poverty, inequality, and energy. Using Integrated Assessment Modelling (IAM), the study compares a high-ambition scenario (RCP4.5/SSP1) with a low-ambition scenario (RCP8.5/SSP3). Findings indicate that under a low-ambition agreement, poverty levels in 2030 could be 80–140% higher in Asia and sub-Saharan Africa compared to the high-ambition scenario. Case studies in Dominica, Jamaica, Pakistan, and Uganda highlight that while the specific sensitivity of SDGs varies by country, poverty and energy goals are consistently most at risk under low-ambition climate policies. The report emphasizes a reciprocal relationship: ambitious SDGs are necessary to implement a high-ambition climate deal, and a high-ambition deal is necessary to realize the SDGs.

The document serves as an appendix to a study on the relationship between majority religion and armed conflict. It provides detailed datasets on the majority religions of countries as of 2010, the incidence of intrastate armed conflict by religion between 1991 and 2012, and a comprehensive list of opposition groups in intrastate conflicts from 1946 to 2013. It specifically examines the prevalence of Islamist insurgents and the conflict history of the ten countries with the largest Muslim populations.

The document serves as a 'who's who' and event guide for ODI and CDKN staff attending the UN World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction in March 2015. It lists researchers and officers focusing on disaster risk reduction (DRR), climate resilience, and humanitarian action, detailing their specific goals for the conference, such as influencing the post-2015 DRR framework and discussing finance and governance. The briefing also provides a schedule of presentations and panels on topics including gender equality in DRR, fragile contexts, and measuring disaster resilience.

The document argues that the UK is falling behind global standards in environmental law enforcement and advocates for systemic legal reforms to increase citizen access to justice and the use of strategic litigation to protect the environment.

The report documents the rapid growth of voluntary sustainability standards (VSS) in agriculture and forestry between 2008 and 2014. It highlights that all surveyed standards experienced growth in compliant areas, with the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil showing the most significant expansion. The document provides detailed statistics for commodities including bananas, cocoa, coffee, cotton, palm oil, soybeans, sugarcane, tea, and forestry, while identifying critical data gaps in multiple certification, pricing, and consumption patterns that hinder policy planning.

The document examines the role of diaspora populations in international development, highlighting that their financial contributions often exceed official development assistance. It analyzes the challenges of integrating diaspora-led initiatives into the formal Norwegian aid system (Norad), the value of 'diasprenuer' (diaspora entrepreneurship), and the importance of recognizing transnational bonds as a resource rather than a barrier to integration.

Return migration to Pakistan is highly diverse, ranging from the lifestyle-driven back-and-forth mobility of naturalized citizens from Europe to the forced return of irregular migrants via deportations and assisted voluntary return programmes. While the country relies heavily on remittances—receiving 18.4 billion USD in financial year 2014—returnees often face a context of instability, poor living conditions, and a lack of trust in state institutions due to corruption and nepotism. The Pakistani government's approach to return migration has primarily focused on short-term laborers from the Middle East and the promotion of formal remittance channels, leaving the needs of other diaspora groups largely unaddressed and the country's broader socioeconomic potential untapped.