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The document details the growth of sovereign green bonds, the introduction of national guidelines in Latin America, and the implementation of targeted incentives in Hong Kong. It also covers the European Commission's progress on a sustainable finance taxonomy, Luxembourg's pioneering law for renewable energy covered bonds, and the increasing role of central banks, such as the People's Bank of China, in integrating green assets into financial stability frameworks.

The Indian green bond market reached a cumulative issuance of USD 6.5 billion by July 2018, with 2017 seeing a significant surge to USD 3.8 billion. Renewable energy is the dominant sector for use of proceeds, and the market is driven by both government-backed entities and private sector corporates. A high proportion of deals utilize external reviews, with 47% of total issuance comprising Certified Climate Bonds.

The document outlines a four-step process for governments to leverage mining investments for national development: aligning with national objectives, taking stock of current capabilities, crafting specific policies, and establishing monitoring mechanisms. It details five types of local content policies: local procurement, direct employment, horizontal linkages (infrastructure and capabilities), downstream beneficiation, and the fostering of national mining firms. The guide emphasizes that policies must be context-specific, gender-equitable, and compliant with international trade and investment laws, while warning that automation may reduce future employment and procurement opportunities.

The document outlines a four-step process for governments to integrate the mining sector into national development plans through local content policies. It categorizes these policies into five main types: local procurement, direct local employment, horizontal linkages (infrastructure and capacity), downstream linkages (product enrichment), and the strengthening of national mining companies. The guide emphasizes that there is no one-size-fits-all model, as success depends on a country's specific industrial base, skills availability, and business climate. It also addresses cross-cutting challenges, such as the impact of automation on employment and the potential conflicts between local content requirements and international trade and investment laws.

The report argues that global fossil fuel subsidies, estimated at USD 425 billion in 2015, represent a massive untapped financial resource that could fund universal energy access multiple times over. It contends that untargeted consumption subsidies are often regressive, benefiting wealthier households and potentially hindering energy access by straining utility budgets and encouraging fuel smuggling. The authors propose a 'Remove, Target, and Swap' framework: removing subsidies with no energy access benefit, targeting necessary subsidies toward the poor (e.g., through connection subsidies), and swapping fossil fuel support for investments in renewable energy and energy efficiency.

The report examines the responses of Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger to the Boko Haram insurgency. It highlights the role of the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) in coordinating military action and the use of national strategies like Nigeria's Operation Lafiya Dole and Cameroon's RMIA4. The authors argue that while military cooperation has improved, non-military responses remain ad-hoc. Security restrictions, such as curfews and trade bans, have negatively impacted local livelihoods, potentially alienating civilians. The report also discusses the challenges of reintegrating ex-militants and the politicization of reconstruction efforts in Borno state ahead of the 2019 elections.

In August 2016, Boko Haram split into two factions: ISIS-WA, led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi and influenced by Mamman Nur, and JAS, led by Abubakar Shekau. The rupture was driven by Shekau's dictatorial leadership and a fundamental ideological dispute over the targeting of Muslim civilians. JAS continues to employ indiscriminate violence and suicide bombings against civilians, while ISIS-WA focuses on large-scale assaults against security forces and attempts to cultivate local support. Both groups rely on local extortion, cattle rustling, and kidnapping for finance, with limited evidence of practical external support despite ISIS-WA's formal alliance with the global Islamic State network. The report concludes that ISIS-WA represents a more significant long-term threat due to its superior military coordination and strategic efforts to win 'hearts and minds' among vulnerable populations.

The 31st AU summit introduced unprecedented budget scrutiny, reducing the 2019 budget by 12% to US$681 million through 'golden rules' of sustainability and predictability. While the AfCFTA saw five new signatories, ratification remains below the 22-country threshold required for implementation. Institutional reforms continue, including the proposed shift to merit-based appointments for the AU Commission and the integration of NEPAD and APRM into the AU core. Additionally, the report highlights an escalating armed conflict in Cameroon's anglophone regions and lists various Peace and Security Council (PSC) decisions from April to June 2018, including a new focus on the nexus between climate change and security.

The paper concludes that a regional SACU stabilisation fund is inappropriate and infeasible because member states experience different degrees of revenue volatility driven by different sources. While Lesotho, Namibia, and eSwatini are primarily affected by the SACU revenue pool's distribution formula, Botswana is driven by commodity revenues and South Africa by its internal tax base. The author argues that the core issue for the BLNS countries is the current revenue-sharing formula, which links their revenues to South African import patterns. The paper recommends that member states focus on revising the revenue-sharing formula or implementing country-level fiscal tools—such as medium-term expenditure frameworks, fiscal rules, or national stabilisation funds—rather than pursuing a regional fund.

The document analyzes the BRICS' dual strategy of pursuing 'inside reforms' of the IMF and World Bank while establishing 'outside' alternatives like the New Development Bank (NDB) and Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA). It finds that while emerging markets gained some voting power, many developing countries, including several in Africa, saw their shares decrease. The paper highlights a disconnect between the BRICS' collective 'African agenda' and the individual bilateral strategies of its members, recommending a dedicated BRICS-Africa strategy and formal coordination with the African Union.

Since 2016, Israel has pursued a vigorous African engagement strategy to secure diplomatic support in international forums and expand markets for its technology and security expertise. While relations are deepening with East African nations like Ethiopia and Kenya due to shared security concerns and commercial opportunities, ties with regional powerhouses Nigeria and South Africa remain complex and often strained by solidarity with the Palestinian cause. Despite high-level diplomatic efforts, including Prime Minister Netanyahu's visits and the proposed Africa-Israel Summit, the document finds that trade between Israel and Africa remains minimal and that winning consistent loyalty in the UN General Assembly remains elusive.

The document examines how green bonds support the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), specifically identifying SDGs 6, 7, 9, 11, 13, and 15 as those receiving the most direct benefit from green investment. It highlights that while clean energy (SDG7) remains the largest market share at 40%, other sectors like low carbon buildings (24%) and transport (15%) are significant. The author argues that climate change is a crosscutting threat to all SDGs and calls for the application of 'green' definitions and climate risk disclosure across all thematic bonds—including social and sustainability bonds—to avoid short-term gains that fail long-term climate targets. The briefing concludes that annual green bond issuance must scale to USD1 trillion by 2020 to meet these goals.

The report analyzes the remittance value chain in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), dividing it into the first, middle, and last miles. It identifies a high average remittance cost of 9.4%, driven by supply-side barriers including restrictive licensing for non-bank providers, stringent KYC/AML requirements, and outdated IT infrastructure. The study highlights a persistent consumer preference for cash and a significant shift toward informal remittance channels due to the high costs and documentation burdens of the formal sector. Key recommendations emphasize the need for regulatory harmonization, the adoption of a risk-based approach to KYC, and investment in interoperable national payment systems to reduce costs and increase financial inclusion.

The report examines the intersection of insurance and property markets in sub-Saharan Africa, identifying a gap between the theoretical potential of insurance to mitigate risks and provide financing and the actual low level of insurance penetration. It maps the property value chain—from land assembly to sale—and details the risks (credit, macroeconomic, political, and climate) and constraints (administrative bottlenecks and limited finance) that hinder development. Using Zambia as a case study, the report argues that while insurance can offer products like political risk insurance and performance bonds, its role is currently limited by the underdeveloped nature of the property markets themselves and a lack of aggregated, liquid investment vehicles that suit institutional insurers.

The report argues that inclusivity is vital for sustaining peace and must be integrated into every stage of the peace continuum, from mediation to state-building. Using Liberia and South Sudan as case studies, it contrasts Liberia's relatively successful inclusive frameworks and unified regional support from ECOWAS with South Sudan's elite-driven processes and fragmented regional response from IGAD. The document highlights that technical exercises in security sector reform (SSR) and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) often fail if they do not address underlying political power structures and incentives for spoilers. It concludes with recommendations for the UN to prioritise joint analysis, community consultation, and support for institutionalised regional governance frameworks to ensure sustainable, inclusive peace.

The document examines the AfCFTA, an agreement aiming to create a single market for goods, services, and investment across 55 African countries. It highlights potential gains such as a 52% increase in intra-African trade and a 4% rise in total exports, while identifying significant hurdles including poor infrastructure, non-tariff barriers, and varying levels of political commitment. The paper specifically discusses the tensions between larger economies and less-developed countries (LDCs) regarding tariff liberalisation and special and differential treatment, as well as the complexities of overlapping memberships in Regional Economic Communities (RECs). It concludes that the success of the AfCFTA depends on domestic implementation and the ability of AU members to align national interests with continental goals.

The document reviews the African Union's (AU) 2017 Year of Youth, highlighting the gap between the adoption of high-level frameworks like the African Youth Charter and their actual domestication by member states. While it identifies successes in youth-led political activism in Nigeria, The Gambia, and South Africa, and praises Rwanda's technology-driven youth employment models, it criticizes the AU's lack of monitoring and evaluation (M&E) and the tokenistic nature of some youth participation. The authors advocate for using existing tools like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to track progress and prioritize education, employment, and political inclusion to realize the goals of Agenda 2063.

This scoping report examines how global trends—including energy decentralization, affordability, mobile payments, women's entrepreneurship, urbanization, and humanitarian settings—affect gender equality and social inclusion in sustainable energy access, with specific analysis of five countries.

The document argues that while the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance provides a normative framework, democratic processes in Africa have largely stagnated in a transitional phase, often trapped in an 'electoral fallacy' where regular elections occur without deep institutional consolidation. It identifies internal pressures—such as the rise of populism, election-related violence, and long-term leadership—and external pressures—including the influence of non-democratic powers like China, Russia, and Turkey, and a 'security-first' doctrine from Western actors—as primary drivers of democratic recession. Despite these challenges, the author notes positive signals such as the increasing number of charter signatories, the role of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and the effectiveness of ECOWAS in restoring democracy in specific instances. The briefing recommends limiting the concentration of power through term limits and shifting international investment toward domestic democratic processes rather than just regional frameworks.

The report examines remittance flows in sub-Saharan Africa, highlighting that while they are a vital source of capital—often exceeding official development assistance (ODA) and foreign direct investment (FDI)—formal flows are constrained by high costs and regulatory barriers. Nigeria is the dominant receiver of remittances in the region. The study identifies a significant mismatch between migration patterns and formal remittance data, suggesting a high level of informality. It argues that shifting these flows to formal channels would enhance financial sector development and overall economic growth in SSA.