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The Walvis Bay Corridor Group (WBCG) is a public-private partnership established in 2000 to increase cargo for the Port of Walvis Bay and improve linked transport corridors. It integrates public regulators and private operators to provide logistics services for landlocked SADC countries via the Trans-Kalahari, Trans-Caprivi, Trans-Cunene, and Trans-Oranje corridors. Key barriers identified include stakeholder fragmentation, high administrative costs, border corruption, and safety risks from roaming animals. To address these, the WBCG promotes 'Accredited Economic Operators' status to reduce border delays and is implementing a 'single window IT infra-structure' to lower trade costs.

The author critiques South Africa's reliance on politically driven preferential trade agreements (PTAs) with developing nations, noting that agreements like the SACU-Mercosur PTA lack efficacy. The text advocates for a strategic re-evaluation of trade in services, the simplification of SADC rules of origin via the Tripartite FTA, and a compromise in Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations with the EU to protect market access for SADC partners. Additionally, it highlights the importance of the US AGOA dispensation and the Automotive Production and Development Programme (APDP) in establishing South Africa as a regional motor manufacturing hub.

The WWF Sanlam Living Waters Partnership, launched in August 2007, leveraged R67 million to implement aquatic conservation initiatives in South Africa. Key achievements include the SASSI programme, which influences 60% of the seafood retail market, and the declaration of 120,000 hectares of Marine Protected Areas. The partnership also focused on capacity building, training 2,248 people and creating 332 jobs. Future goals include integrating ecological infrastructure with hard engineering development and improving the social support for inshore Marine Protected Areas.

The document analyzes the nexus of trade, investment, and competition policy in South Africa, highlighting the shift from early trade liberalization to a more cautious approach centered on employment creation. It details the role of the Competition Act of 1998 in addressing public interest and the complexities of managing foreign direct investment (FDI), illustrated by the Walmart-Massmart merger. The author argues that a robust competition regime is essential to maximize the benefits of FDI and ensure market efficiency while adhering to international obligations.

The document analyses the global rare earth elements (REE) industry, which is dominated by China with a 97% share of upstream production. It examines how China uses export restrictions and production quotas to leverage its monopoly, aiming to induce foreign downstream producers to relocate to China for technology transfer. The paper highlights the strategic importance of REEs for 'green' technology and military applications, and assesses South Africa's potential to re-enter the market through the Steenkampskraal and Zandkopsdrift projects. It also discusses global reactions, including Japan's efforts to reduce REE reliance and the emergence of junior mining companies seeking non-Chinese sources.

South Africa has long served as a primary entry point for international companies into Africa due to its sophisticated economy, financial hubs, and infrastructure. However, the document argues that its status is being challenged by the rise of regional gateways, increasing competition from other African ports and airlines, and internal issues including labour unrest, high port costs, and power price hikes.

The report identifies the top ten business constraints in the SADC region to facilitate policy dialogue and practical solutions. By reviewing World Bank data, World Economic Forum reports, and various Business Climate Surveys, the authors found that SADC countries generally perform poorly in ease of doing business, with Mauritius ranking 23rd and the Democratic Republic of Congo ranking 178th in 2012. The final list of top constraints includes issues such as access to finance, tax administration, lack of skilled labour, policy uncertainty, and infrastructure deficits.

The SADC FTA, launched in 2008 based on a 2000 Trade Protocol, aimed for virtually all intra-regional trade to be duty-free by 2012. While compliance with tariff phase-downs has been generally high, the document notes that only 11 of the 14 member states are fully participating, with the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola not implementing the protocol due to economic recovery needs. Challenges persist regarding the restrictive nature of revised rules of origin, the lack of a verification process for non-tariff barrier exceptions, and significant delays in customs clearance compared to trade with non-SADC markets.

The document translates the global scientific findings of the IPCC SREX report into a regional context for Africa, emphasizing that disaster risk is increasing due to both climate change and socio-economic factors. It argues for an integrated approach that combines disaster risk management (DRM) with climate change adaptation (CCA) and sustainable development. Key regional findings include projected increases in heatwaves and droughts in Southern Africa and increased heavy precipitation in Eastern Africa. The report highlights the extreme vulnerability of coastal cities and the agricultural sector, while advocating for national legislative frameworks, early warning systems, and international financial mechanisms to build long-term resilience.

The document translates the global findings of the IPCC SREX report into an African context, emphasizing that disaster risk is increasing due to both climate extremes and rising human vulnerability and exposure. It details observed and projected temperature and precipitation trends across West, East, and Southern Africa, while arguing for the integration of disaster risk management (DRM) and climate change adaptation (CCA) into national development policies. The report highlights the particular vulnerability of the agricultural sector and coastal cities, and suggests a shift from incremental to transformational changes in governance and partnerships to build long-term resilience.

The document highlights that the agriculture sector is exceptionally vulnerable to climate extremes due to its dependence on natural resources. It argues that disaster risk is increasing not only due to climate change but also because more vulnerable people and assets are exposed to these events. The brief advocates for a shift from short-term coping mechanisms to long-term transformational approaches, such as 'climate-smart agriculture', and emphasizes the need for integrated national disaster risk management systems that combine local knowledge with scientific data.

This report documents the 5th African Conference of Commandants (ACoC), held from 28–30 November 2011 in Gaborone, Botswana. The conference brought together commandants from African Staff Colleges to discuss the impact of globalisation on human rights, the proliferation of small arms, gender equality in the military, and the standardisation of military education to support the African Standby Force (ASF) and peace support operations (PSOs).

The 2011-2012 CDKN Partner Survey reveals high satisfaction with the network's information products, particularly its publications and newsletter, with higher approval ratings from partners in the South. While over 83% of respondents found CDKN effective at facilitating knowledge sharing, there were significant criticisms regarding its procurement processes and the administrative burden placed on partners, especially smaller organisations and individual consultants. Partners suggested a greater focus on grassroots support in developing countries and the creation of more practical, field-based partnerships.

The document analyses the political economy of the Doha Round's 'end-game' and its impact on South Africa. It highlights a conflict between South Africa's state-driven industrial policy and the liberalisation demands of the NAMA-agriculture 'exchange rate'. The authors argue that South Africa's interests are best served by preserving a NAMA carve-out for the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and offering concessions in the services sector—specifically in telecommunications, transport, and energy—to secure agricultural gains from developed nations.

The research paper examines the stalled Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations between the EU and the SADC, highlighting that the Trade Cooperation and Development Agreement (TDCA) already liberalises most trade between South Africa and the EU. It identifies agricultural market access and the EU's demand for the protection of geographical indications (GIs) as the primary remaining points of contention. The author argues that because South Africa refuses to negotiate on services, investment, and competition policy, concessions on agriculture may be the only way to reach a deal, which could potentially undermine the Southern African Customs Union's common external tariff if a final agreement is not reached by 1 January 2014.

The document argues that SADC's approach to the Zimbabwean crisis is heavily shaped by a 'club of brother presidents' mentality, where former liberation movements (including ZANU–PF, ANC, MPLA, FRELIMO, SWAPO, and CCM) prioritize solidarity over democratic pressure. This historical conservatism has led to a policy of 'quiet diplomacy' and a reluctance to compel ZANU–PF to fully implement the Global Political Agreement (GPA). The author notes that ZANU–PF has strategically reinvented its history to strengthen ties with regional partners and frame the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as a Western 'Trojan Horse'. The paper concludes that the MDC's lack of liberation credentials isolates it within a region where ruling parties still derive legitimacy from anti-colonial struggles.

The paper argues that while efficient services are essential for industrialisation, generalised services trade liberalisation is not the optimal strategy for South Africa or other developing countries. It highlights the critical linkages between manufacturing and services, noting that manufacturing acts as a primary source of demand for the services sector and that a decline in manufacturing would adversely affect job creation. The author warns against 'premature deindustrialisation' and the loss of policy space resulting from 'GATS-plus' obligations in North-South regional and bilateral agreements, particularly those involving the EU and US. The document concludes that South Africa needs a strategic services trade policy aligned with its Trade Policy and Strategy Framework (TPSF) and industrial goals, rather than a blanket approach to liberalisation.

The report examines seven transboundary river basins—Congo, Okavango, Red, La Plata, Danube, Mekong, and Jordan—to evaluate how ecosystem services (ES) are integrated into Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM). It finds that while IWRM planning is common, actual implementation is weak and often focuses on traditional services like hydropower and navigation, neglecting critical ES such as carbon sequestration and flood regulation. The authors argue that moving toward an ES-based 'benefit-sharing' model, supported by economic instruments like Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES), can overcome political, institutional, and financial barriers to sustainable transboundary water management.

The document describes the use of Research ICT Africa's research and a multi-channel communication strategy to inform Namibian policy-makers and regulators, leading to legislative reform and market liberalization in the telecommunications sector.

The document analyzes Angola's foreign policy as a survival and development tool for the ruling MPLA government. It identifies three distinct phases: an initial period of survival (1975–2002) supported by the USSR and Cuba; a phase of reconstruction and growth (post-2002) driven by a strategic partnership with China; and an emerging transition toward democratic development involving closer ties with the US. The author highlights the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals with China and the ongoing tensions between the MPLA's desire for centralized control and domestic demands for transparency and democratic governance.