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The policy brief examines the activities of Chinese state-run banks (Exim Bank and CDB) and the private Luso-Chinese fund Geocapital in Mozambique. While these entities leverage strong political and personal connections to enter the market, they have struggled to attract significant Chinese capital due to poor strategic planning and a lack of institutional capacity within Mozambique. The document highlights specific infrastructure loans and the establishment of Moza Banco, while noting that many large-scale projects have either collapsed or failed to materialize.

The report employs a Household Energy Economic Analysis (HHEA) model based on discrete choice analysis and stated preference surveys to understand why clean cooking technologies often fail to penetrate Sub-Saharan African markets. By surveying households in Addis Ababa, Dar es Salaam, and Maputo, the study argues that product-specific attributes—such as stove price, usage cost, safety, and smoke levels—are as critical as socio-economic factors in determining consumer choice. The findings reveal that low-income households are significantly more sensitive to upfront stove prices than usage costs, while higher-income groups show a greater willingness to pay for reduced smoke and increased safety. The report concludes that for bio-ethanol stoves to be viable, particularly for the poor, policies must address both the initial purchase price through subsidies or microfinance and the ongoing fuel costs.

Mozambique possesses significant hydropower, natural gas, and coal potential, yet over 80% of its population lacks grid connectivity, relying instead on traditional biomass. The report details the country's transition from a centralized socialist economy to a liberalized market, highlighting the role of the 1997 Electricity Act in opening the sector to private investment. It examines the functions of key entities like Electricidade de Moçambique (EDM) and the National Energy Fund (FUNAE), while outlining strategic goals to increase electrification rates to 20% by 2020 and leverage regional power demand through the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP).

The briefing examines the 2010 constitutional referendum in Madagascar, arguing that the process is unilateral and designed to consolidate the power of leader Rajoelina. It highlights the lack of consensus between international actors—specifically the divide between SADC/AU and France/EU—and warns that without inclusive dialogue, institutional reform, and security sector overhaul, the country will remain trapped in a cycle of political crises.

The research paper examines how climate change threatens Mozambique's economic development, specifically within agriculture, tourism, and public health. It highlights the country's high vulnerability due to its geography and poverty, noting that frequent natural disasters undermine progress toward Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). While the government has established a National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA), implementation is hindered by resource constraints. The paper also identifies potential opportunities through the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and hydropower exports to South Africa.

Africa faces a severe road infrastructure crisis, with 90% of passengers and freight relying on tarmac that is frequently neglected due to budget deficits and diverted funds. The World Bank estimates the annual cost of this neglect at $1.2 billion in lost productivity, with nearly a third of the $150 billion invested in roads by the late 1980s already lost. While some countries like South Africa and Kenya are exploring private sector concessions, tolls, and Chinese financing, challenges such as low traffic volumes in Malawi and the high cost of vehicle overloading persist.

The document examines the systemic failure of government communication in Africa, noting that media liaison officers often lack the authority or understanding of news cycles to be effective. It highlights a culture of suspicion toward the press, particularly among parties that emerged from liberation movements, and describes how regional bodies like the African Union and SADC suffer from under-resourced communication departments and dysfunctional digital presences.

The N4 toll road was established via a 30-year, R3 billion concession signed in 1996 between South Africa and Mozambique, operated by Trans-African Concessions (TRAC). The project utilized a financing structure of 20% equity and 80% debt, with the latter guaranteed by both governments. To manage user payment risks in Mozambique, TRAC implemented cross-subsidization using revenues from the South African section and provided discounts to regular Mozambican users. The road acted as a catalyst for further regional investment, including the Maputo Port and the Mozal aluminium smelter.

This briefing documents a December 2005 seminar in Maputo regarding a country report on the strength of parliamentary democracy in Mozambique. The text records a debate between researchers and members of parliament (MPs) from the Frelimo and Renamo-EU parties, as well as civil society representatives, focusing on the parliament's capacity for representation, legislation, and executive oversight.

The report examines South African foreign direct investment (FDI) in Mozambique, highlighting the country as a primary destination for South African capital. While mega-projects like the Mozal smelter and Sasol pipeline have boosted GDP and investor confidence, smaller firms face significant hurdles including corruption, red tape, and a weak legal system. The document analyzes the socio-economic impact of this investment, noting improvements in productivity and wages but limited linkages with local businesses and a concentration of wealth in the south.

The peace process in Burundi remained deadlocked in September 2003 despite multiple regional summits. The impasse centers on the CNDD-FDD's refusal to recognize the Arusha Accord and the TGoB's insistence on maintaining the existing political balance. Key points of contention include the division of power—specifically the demand for a Second Vice-President post—and the reform of the armed forces, including the abolition of the gendarmerie and the control of military zones. Regional mediators from South Africa, Uganda, and Tanzania have pursued differing strategies, ranging from military intervention to diplomatic compromise, but have failed to secure a final agreement.

The document analyzes the NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), detailing its five-stage review process, its organizational structure involving the APR Forum and Panel of Eminent Persons, and its complex relationship with the African Union. It highlights the tension between political governance review and economic governance, the role of partner institutions like the UNECA and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and the challenges of financing and institutional capacity in ensuring the mechanism's efficacy.

Operation Rachel was a bilateral security initiative between the South African Police Service (SAPS) and the Police of the Republic of Mozambique (PRM) designed to destroy surplus weapons from previous conflicts. Between 1995 and 1999, four distinct operations (Rachel I-IV) were conducted, resulting in the destruction of 11,891 firearms and over 3 million rounds of ammunition. The operations were intelligence-driven and utilized an unorthodox approach of rewarding informers and granting undeclared amnesty to avoid politicizing the recovery of caches. While successful in building trust between two historically hostile security apparatuses, the operations faced challenges including high costs, language barriers, and fluctuating political stability in Mozambique. The report concludes that while the operations reduced the immediate supply of illegal arms smuggled into South Africa, long-term success requires addressing the socio-economic drivers of violence and integrating bilateral efforts into broader regional frameworks like SADC and SARPCCO.

The document details a project supporting Mozambique in modelling low-emissions scenarios using the Long-range Energy Alternatives Planning System (LEAP) and the REDD Abacus model. Focusing on agriculture and energy, the project found that switching to solar-powered irrigation and agroforestry could significantly reduce emissions. These integrated scenarios were used to inform the country's next NDC. The project also emphasized national capacity building and peer learning through the Africa LEDS project, sharing findings with other nations like Ghana.

The case study examines 'The Economics of Adaptation, Water Security and Climate Resilient Development in Africa' programme (2013-2015), which trained over 130 professionals across eight African nations. It highlights the effectiveness of combining professional workshops with mandatory Action Plans and mentor-mentee relationships to bridge the gap between training and implementation. Key outcomes included the integration of climate change into Tunisia's national planning terms of reference and the approval of a flood management project in Maputo, Mozambique.

The WACDEP capacity development programme (2012-2015) trained approximately 140 participants across eight African countries to identify and implement 'no/low regret' investments for water security. The programme emphasized national ownership, the use of local trainers, and the integration of training with active national policy processes. Key results included the enhancement of Burkina Faso's National Adaptation Planning process, the development of a funded urban flood management project in Maputo, Mozambique, and the revision of water and land planning Terms of Reference in Tunisia. The brief concludes that decentralised management and mentor-supported learning are critical for translating capacity building into tangible development outcomes.

The document details South Africa's coal landscape, identifying the Highveld and Witbank coalfields as the largest by reserves. It provides a comprehensive inventory of mines, their ownership (including major entities like Anglo Coal, Exxaro, and BHP Billiton), and their production outputs for domestic power (primarily Eskom) and export markets. The report also analyzes the logistics chain, focusing on the Richards Bay Coal Terminal (RBCT) as the primary export hub, and provides detailed cost breakdowns for opencast mining and rail transport.

The document analyzes the global debate over water privatization, contrasting the view of water as an economic good promoted by international financial institutions with the view of water as a human right. It details the role of the World Bank and IMF in pushing privatization through loan conditionalities and provides case studies of both failed privatization (Cochabamba, Bolivia) and successful participatory public management (Porto Alegre, Brazil).

On 7 November, Malagasy political actors agreed to a collegial leadership structure for the transition government, where President Andy Rajoelina shares executive power with two co-presidents from the camps of former Presidents Marc Ravalomanana and Albert Zafy. The agreement requires all three leaders to approve and sign major decisions. The author expresses skepticism about the stability of this 'triumvirate' model, citing a failed historical precedent in Benin and ongoing tensions over strategic ministerial portfolios such as Defense, Finance, and Foreign Affairs. The briefing notes that SADC pressure and the need for credible elections by the end of 2010 are central to the process, while the long-term stability of Madagascar depends on the shifting power dynamics between Rajoelina and Ravalomanana.

The report analyzes Mozambique's legal landscape regarding traditional knowledge (TK), highlighting a fragmented system where protection is often indirect. While the 2007 ABS Regulation (Decree No. 19/2007) is the primary tool for biodiversity-related TK, it faces implementation challenges and is currently under revision. Other frameworks, including the Industrial Property Code and Copyright Law, offer limited or specific protections like geographical indications. The document emphasizes the role of community participation in natural resource management and identifies poverty, weak community institutions, and lack of legal awareness as major barriers to effective TK protection.