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The report compiles academic articles, toolkits, and policy documents focusing on the role of women in artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM). It highlights systemic marginalization, including restricted access to high-paying roles, finance, and land, while noting that ASM often provides a critical source of income and agency for women. The bibliography emphasizes the need for gender-responsive policies and formalization strategies to prevent further marginalization of women.

West Africa has experienced warming of 1–3°C since the mid-1970s, leading to increased heatwaves, variable rainfall, and widespread losses in GDP and food productivity. Future projections indicate severe risks, including a potential 30% decline in marine fisheries catch and significant population exposure to sea level rise, particularly in coastal cities like Lagos and Abidjan. Adaptation requires transformative, ecosystem-based approaches and a significant increase in climate finance, as current funding is insufficient and heavily skewed toward non-African institutions.

The document analyzes thirty years of UN climate negotiations, arguing that countries in the Global North, particularly the United States, have consistently and deliberately obstructed the creation of a loss and damage finance mechanism. It divides this history into four periods: the initial efforts from 1991 to 2007, the lead-up to the Warsaw International Mechanism (2008-2013), the road to the Paris Agreement (2014-2015), and the post-Paris era (2016-present). The author highlights how advocates from the Global South, including AOSIS and the G77, shifted their framing from legal liability to moral risk to gain traction, while obstructionists used tactics such as conflating loss and damage with adaptation, proposing limited insurance alternatives, and explicitly excluding liability and compensation from official texts, most notably in Paragraph 51 of the Paris Agreement decision.

The workshop, organized by the Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF) and funded by the UK's FCDO, brought together 52 stakeholders to address the informality of Niger's ASGM sector. Key discussions focused on the lack of reliable production statistics, environmental degradation, and the security risks posed by the illicit use of explosives and chemicals. Participants identified a need to lower high fixed fees for marketing approval and export taxes to encourage formalization. The report also highlights the socio-economic dynamics in the Agadez region, where 85% of miners work for employers rather than on their own account. The workshop concluded with a set of recommendations to strengthen state presence on mining sites, simplify administrative procedures, and create non-violent conflict management mechanisms.

The report finds that while the French information ecosystem showed relative resilience during the 2022 elections, there was a significant rise in domestic anti-system narratives and far-right mobilisation. The limited impact of destabilisation efforts is attributed to the war in Ukraine diverting Russian resources, institutional pressure from the French government and EU (specifically the Digital Services Act), the regulated nature of the French electoral system, and the continued influence of traditional media. However, the authors warn of a growing trend of distrust in democratic institutions and the normalisation of polarising rhetoric by far-right actors using coordinated inauthentic behaviour and astroturfing.

The report concludes that while the French information ecosystem remained relatively resilient in 2022, there was a notable shift from foreign interference to domestic-led anti-system and far-right mobilization. The authors attribute this resilience to the war in Ukraine (which diverted Russian resources), institutional pressure (including the Digital Services Act and Viginum), the structural nature of the French electoral system, and the continued influence of traditional media. However, the report warns of a growing threat from structured anti-system communities and the normalization of polarizing rhetoric on social media.

The brief examines gender representation among individuals invited to brief the UN Security Council between 2015 and 2021. While the period remained male-dominated overall, the proportion of male briefers fell from 77% in 2015 to 52% in 2021. Women are more frequently represented when briefing as members of civil society organizations (CSOs) or government institutions, whereas men dominate the UN system and other multilateral organizations. The authors note a positive trend in the consultation of women's CSOs, which have moved from being primarily invited to thematic Women, Peace and Security (WPS) debates to briefing on a wider array of country-specific issues, including Afghanistan, Colombia, the DRC, Libya, and Mali.

The analysis of UN votes, regional organization statements, and public diplomatic interactions from February 20 to June 19, 2022, indicates that no global pro-Russia or pro-authoritarian bloc has emerged. Instead, most states in the Global South prefer to remain non-aligned, although there is evidence of diplomatic competition for influence between Russia and Western powers, particularly in Asia.

The document highlights that 13% of all food production is lost due to a lack of cold chains, amounting to 526 million tonnes annually. This deficiency disproportionately affects low-income countries, with Asia holding the highest share of food loss at 48%. The report argues that expanding sustainable cooling can reduce food losses by 55% and cold chain emissions by 55%, while improving incomes for smallholder farmers. It identifies 54 high-impact countries, noting that while China and India have the highest volumes of loss, several African nations exhibit the highest energy inefficiency in food production. Proposed solutions include National Cooling Action Plans, Cooling as a Service (CaaS) models, and Community Cooling Hubs.

The document examines the 'militarisation of politics' in Africa, using the conflict in Ethiopia between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) as a primary example. It defines militarisation as the tendency to settle political disputes militarily and notes that this trend is often a legacy of colonial rule. The author highlights a history of military coups and civil wars across the continent, noting that by 2017, Africa had experienced 200 successful and failed coups. While the African Union (AU) has frameworks like the Lomé Declaration and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance to prevent unconstitutional changes of government, the document argues that inconsistent implementation—such as the AU's failure to suspend Chad after the seizure of power by the Transnational Military Council—undermines these efforts. Additionally, the text notes a 17% increase in African military spending over the last decade, totaling $41.2 billion in 2019. In the Horn of Africa, the conflict involving Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Sudan risks regional destabilisation and the undoing of previous peace agreements.

The Global Resilience Partnership (GRP) reports on its 2021 activities, highlighting the launch of the Innovating for Climate Resilience Fund, the establishment of the Resilience Hub at COP26, and the creation of South to South Resilience Academies. The partnership focused on scaling coastal resilience through the Ocean Risk and Resilience Action Alliance (ORRAA), supporting innovative finance in fragile regions like Sudan and Uganda, and promoting locally-led adaptation through catalytic grants and the Resilience Knowledge Coalition.

The policy brief examines the severe fiscal constraints facing African countries during COVID-19 recovery, noting that while advanced economies mobilised about 6% of GDP, African countries mobilised barely 1%. It highlights the inadequacy of current debt relief mechanisms like the DSSI and the Common Framework, and the high cost of borrowing from international capital markets due to unfair credit ratings. The author proposes five policy priorities: establishing national donor coordination frameworks, reallocating public investment to de-risk private projects, extending the DSSI for two years with partial debt cancellation, creating a transparent multilateral framework for debt resolution involving commercial creditors, and exploring the establishment of independent, publicly owned credit rating agencies.

The COVID-19 pandemic increased food insecurity across Africa, with upper-middle income countries like South Africa experiencing higher vulnerability due to their reliance on formal employment and global supply chains. While agricultural production grew in 2020, protectionist measures such as export bans in Malawi hindered the redistribution of food. The document highlights the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) as a critical mechanism to reduce dependence on global imports, lower trade barriers, and improve food resilience through increased intra-continental trade and the legalisation of informal cross-border trade.

The document outlines key lessons for SADC member states to improve their NDCs, emphasizing the need for inclusive stakeholder engagement, alignment with long-term development goals, and the use of quantifiable targets and evidence-based analysis. It highlights examples from South Africa, Rwanda, and Costa Rica to demonstrate how detailed implementation roadmaps and participatory scenario planning can enhance climate commitments.

The document analyzes the resurgent roles of China and Russia in Africa since 2000. China's influence is primarily economic, driven by the Belt and Road Initiative and long-term infrastructure investments, while Russia's approach is more opportunistic, focusing on mining, arms exports, and the deployment of private military contractors in fragile states. While the two powers coordinate on challenging Western norms and supporting non-interference in the UN Security Council, they maintain a 'competitive partnership' characterized by limited strategic coordination in security and economics, and occasional competition for commercial contracts in countries like Zimbabwe.

The document traces the path from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the 2017 entry into force of the Minamata Convention on Mercury. It highlights the role of activism and scientific evidence in driving global action and details the treaty's mechanisms for phasing out mercury-added products and regulating artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM). The brief also explains that the discrete nature of mercury's industrial sources and a stronger scientific consensus on its global threat allowed it to move toward a binding treaty, whereas lead and cadmium remain managed through voluntary partnerships and regional agreements.

The policy brief examines the conflict between the OECD's 'Second Pillar' global minimum tax of 15% and existing fiscal stabilization clauses in national laws and investment contracts, particularly in developing nations. It argues that these clauses may hinder governments from updating tax policies without risking international litigation. The authors propose that the OECD's model legislation should explicitly state that the global minimum tax applies regardless of stabilization agreements and that good-faith adjustments to align with GloBE rules should not be considered breaches of international law or investment treaties.

The policy brief examines the conflict between the OECD's Pillar Two global minimum tax and 'fiscal stabilization' clauses often found in the national laws and investment agreements of developing countries. These clauses can freeze tax incentives and prevent states from raising effective tax rates to 15% without risking international arbitration. The authors recommend that the OECD's model legislation explicitly state that the global minimum tax applies regardless of stabilization agreements and that members of the Inclusive Framework agree that good-faith adjustments to align with GloBE rules are not violations of international law or investment treaties.

The report examines the challenges in operationalizing the AU Peace Fund, specifically disagreements over contribution scales among member states. It warns against the increasing use of private military and security companies (PMSCs) like the Wagner Group in Africa, citing human rights risks. Additionally, it advocates for a revamp of the AU's PCRD approach to better address post-authoritarian transitions and the role of women in peacebuilding, using The Gambia as a model for small, expert-led deployments.

The report analyzes the security landscape of West Africa, identifying a complex interplay of weak governance, economic inequality, and emerging threats like violent extremism and transnational crime. It highlights how these factors undermine regional stability and development, particularly in the Sahel. While Ghana is relatively stable, it faces risks from porous borders and internal community tensions. The document recommends pursuing economic integration via the AfCFTA, addressing youth unemployment, and strengthening regional security alliances to combat terrorism and trafficking.