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The Global Resilience Partnership highlights the severe humanitarian risks posed by a strong El Niño phase, citing specific crises in Ethiopia, Indonesia, and India, and advocates for adaptive measures such as early warning systems and innovative financing.

The guide outlines a framework for negotiating farmland and water investment contracts, emphasizing the primacy of domestic law over contracts and international treaties. It provides a comprehensive preparation checklist and a model contract containing clauses on land rights, environmental and social impact assessments, financial obligations, and community development agreements. The document warns against 'stabilization clauses' and advocates for transparency and rigorous investor screening to mitigate the high failure rate of large-scale agricultural projects.

The 2016 assessment of NYDF Goal 2 finds that while corporate commitments to deforestation-free supply chains are increasing—reaching 415 companies and 701 commitments—implementation remains uneven. Progress is most advanced for palm oil and wood products, while soy and cattle lag behind. Despite improvements in risk assessment and procurement rules, fewer than half of assessed companies have time-bound actionable plans, and only 45% report on compliance. The report highlights that over 90% of assessed companies operate in deforestation hotspots, specifically Brazil, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Paraguay. However, the overall impact on global forest loss cannot yet be measured due to a lack of comprehensive global data sets linking supply-chain efforts to actual deforestation reductions.

The document examines the review of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325), highlighting the 'Global Study' and the resulting UNSCR 2242. It notes a general failure in implementation, particularly regarding sexual violence in conflict, and identifies emerging threats such as the militarization of women's lives due to violent extremism and critical funding shortages caused by shifting donor priorities in Europe and the Nordic countries.

The document examines the tension between treating fossil fuel suppliers as polluters and recognizing extraction as a sovereign right for development. It argues that meeting Paris Agreement targets requires leaving a majority of proven reserves in the ground, which would disproportionately impact lower-income regions through the loss of significant resource rents.

The document argues that the current trajectory of urbanization in the Global South—characterized by rapid population growth outpacing economic growth and the 'urbanization of poverty'—risks locking cities into unsustainable patterns. It proposes a new categorization of cities based on economic productivity and population growth, focusing on 'struggling' and 'emerging' cities. The authors contend that providing equitable access to core services (housing, water, sanitation, energy, and transport) is the essential entry point for broader transformative urban change. Using case studies from Medellín and Surat, the paper illustrates how solving a 'seminal problem' can trigger a virtuous cycle of improvement across governance, finance, and planning, ultimately enhancing the quality of life for all residents.

The document outlines critical areas for climate finance at COP 21, emphasizing the need for developed countries to meet the $100 billion annual goal by 2020, increasing funding for adaptation, and improving transparency in reporting finance flows. It highlights recent pledges from various nations and argues for a shift in trillions of dollars from high-emissions to low-emissions activities.

The document examines Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) as tools for developing countries to achieve mitigation and sustainable development goals. It highlights a significant gap between the high interest in NAMA development and the actual financial support provided, noting that less than 2% of requested support has been offered. The brief argues that the lack of official UNFCCC guidelines for stakeholder consultation and the absence of sector-specific environmental criteria—such as 'negative lists' to exclude harmful technologies—risk promoting 'greenwashing' and locking countries into high-carbon infrastructure. It recommends adopting universal safeguards, harmonized sustainable development assessments, and mandatory guidelines for effective stakeholder engagement, including indigenous peoples, to ensure NAMAs drive true transformational change.

The report evaluates forest governance through three indicators: institutional policy scores, the rule of law (illegal logging and violence), and land tenure rights for indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs). While some progress is noted in policy frameworks and the total area of recognized IPLC rights, the report highlights a slowdown in tenure recognition since 2008, a rise in absolute volumes of illegal timber imports—particularly into China—and persistent violence against land defenders, especially in Latin America.

The document examines the rise of unsolicited proposals (USPs) in infrastructure, where private entities initiate projects rather than governments. It highlights risks such as lack of transparency, corruption, and the avoidance of competition. Drawing on a PPIAF report, it recommends that governments adopt formal frameworks—including competitive bidding mechanisms like 'Swiss challenges'—to mitigate these risks. The author further argues that USPs can distract from sustainable public procurement (SPP) by bypassing critical needs analyses and straining limited public sector capacity to manage long-term asset life cycles.

The policy brief proposes that South Africa shift its Latin American engagement from a Brazil-centric approach to a broader 'South Atlantic Zone' framework. This strategy aims to leverage shared developmental trajectories and maritime interests to bolster the 'blue economy' and regional security. The authors highlight the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) as a key mechanism for collaboration, alongside maritime exercises like IBSAMAR and Atlasur. While trade between South Africa and Latin American South Atlantic countries remains low, the document identifies significant potential for growth in ocean economics, specifically through initiatives like Operation Phakisa, and cultural ties via the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP).

The report evaluates National Climate Change Funds (NCCFs), finding that they currently play a limited role in global climate finance, accounting for less than 0.2% of total flows in 2013. It identifies key barriers to resource mobilisation, including weak institutional capacities and a lack of clear vision, and proposes a structured three-step approach—defining vision, building capacity, and engaging investors—to improve their sustainability.

The report argues that the pharmaceutical industry is fueling the antimicrobial resistance (AMR) crisis through the unmonitored dumping of antibiotic-laden waste into the environment during the production of active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs). It highlights a 'three-tier chain' where raw materials from China are processed in India and then sold to global markets. The document identifies specific polluting factories in China—including NCPC, CSPC/Inner Mongolia Changsheng, and Sinopharm—and links them to major companies such as Pfizer, Teva, and McKesson. It concludes that current Good Manufacturing Practices (GMP) are insufficient because they lack environmental criteria, and calls for greater supply chain transparency and the integration of environmental protection into global pharmaceutical standards.

The document provides a comprehensive introduction to Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), distinguishing them from carbon offsetting mechanisms like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). It details the NAMA lifecycle—from concept to implementation—and examines the financial landscape, including the role of the NAMA Facility and the Green Climate Fund. The guide highlights the current state of NAMA deployment, noting that while many are in the design phase, few have reached implementation. It emphasizes the critical role of civil society in ensuring sustainable development and accountability through stakeholder engagement and Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) processes.

The IAI Scientific Advisory Committee (SAC) evaluates the implementation of an interdisciplinary research model combining natural and social sciences to create policy-relevant solutions in the Americas. The report highlights the success of specific projects, such as meteorological data compilation for crop yield modelling and ecosystem service vulnerability assessments. However, the SAC identifies a critical lack of regional data infrastructure to serve decision-makers and the public. Key recommendations include integrating social scientists from the start of projects, establishing a regional data services framework, and improving capacity building through interdisciplinary workshops.

The SAC reports that the IAI's interdisciplinary model, combining social and natural sciences, is producing useful results and serving as a global example. While evaluating CRN3 projects, the SAC identified a critical regional lack of infrastructure for hosting and distributing data and services. The committee recommends integrating social scientists from the start of project design and strengthening capacity development to better link science with policy in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The report examines how credit-enhancement mechanisms—such as guarantees, first-loss provisions, and contingent loans—can mitigate the perceived high risks of green infrastructure to mobilize private capital. It analyzes the offerings of major MDBs (including the World Bank, ADB, and EIB) and provides case studies from India, Nigeria, and Mexico to demonstrate how targeting specific risks, such as exploratory costs or tariff volatility, makes projects bankable. The authors conclude that while MDBs have the tools to catalyze green investment, a lack of knowledge among governments and a lack of specialized approval processes for green projects hinder widespread adoption.

The Climate Development and Finance Facility (CDFF) is designed to address financing gaps for wind, solar, and hydro projects in low- and lower-middle income countries. It utilizes a three-stage approach: a Development Fund for early-stage due diligence, a Construction Fund that uses equity to avoid high-cost construction debt, and a Refinancing Fund to attract institutional investors once projects are operational. A pilot implementation requires USD 150 million in donor capital to mobilize USD 1.88 billion in private capital, aiming to install approximately 300 MW of clean energy and reduce annual CO2 emissions by around 600 ktCO2.

The Climate Development and Finance Facility (the Facility) is a proposed investment structure designed to overcome financing barriers for renewable energy projects in developing countries. It integrates three stages of support: a Development Fund for early-stage due diligence, a Construction Fund that uses equity to finance construction costs and avoid expensive early-stage debt, and a Refinancing Fund to attract institutional investors once projects are operational. The pilot targets projects between 25-75 MW in specific low- and lower-middle income countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America. To launch, the Facility requires USD 150 million in donor capital, which is projected to mobilize USD 2 billion in private capital, install approximately 300 MW of clean energy, and reduce annual CO2 emissions by around 600 kt.

The document argues that while Mexico has the economic resources of an emerging power—ranking as the 11th-largest economy by purchasing power parity—it fails to project leadership globally or regionally. It identifies a lack of strategic foreign-policy vision, an inconsistent international identity as a 'bridge' between North and Central America, and a tendency to act as a 'status quo middle power' rather than a revisionist force. The author notes that Mexico's heavy dependence on the US and limited engagement in UN security issues and peacekeeping missions further hinder its potential to exercise the influence typical of emerging powers like the BRICS nations.