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The document examines the fallout of the US withdrawal from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), noting that the decision ignored findings from the International Atomic Energy Agency and US intelligence. It highlights a broader decline in international cooperation, as evidenced by a Council of Councils report that downgraded the effectiveness of efforts to prevent nuclear proliferation and nuclear war from a B- to D-.

The report finds that while the number of state-based armed conflicts and total casualties declined in 2017, non-state conflicts increased significantly. Syria remained the deadliest conflict, and the Islamic State (IS) was involved in 31% of all conflicts. The authors note a long-term general decline in warfare since the 1950s, though they warn that internationalized intrastate conflicts and religious extremism continue to pose major threats to global peace.

A statement by national organizations urging the U.S. Senate to reject Mike Pompeo's nomination for Secretary of State, citing his climate change denial, hawkish foreign policy views, and record on human rights.

The paper argues that while top-down regulatory measures have not yet limited global warming to 2°C, bottom-up non-state action in the refrigeration and air-conditioning (RAC) sector can fill the emissions gap. It identifies supermarkets, cold stores, and hotels as key end-users whose choices regarding energy efficiency and low-GWP refrigerants can significantly reduce carbon footprints. However, the document notes that few non-state initiatives currently target the RAC sector due to regulatory, market, and informational barriers. It suggests that alliances can help overcome these hurdles, though it emphasizes that voluntary action must be accompanied by mandatory government regulation to be effective.

The report analyzes energy pricing reforms in the MENA region, specifically within the GCC, following the 2014 oil price collapse. It argues that while price increases are a regional trend, they are not yet a norm and risk political instability if not accompanied by social safety nets and labor market reforms. The document details specific reform measures in countries like Saudi Arabia, Oman, and Morocco, and provides technical recommendations for international assistance to support a transition toward productive economies.

The document argues that fossil fuel subsidies are often socially regressive and environmentally damaging, and that their reform can provide the necessary budgetary space to fund a just transition for workers and communities. It outlines strategies for successful reform, including market-based pricing, impact management, and stakeholder engagement, while highlighting the higher employment potential of renewable energy sectors compared to fossil fuels.

The document examines the gap in the Paris Agreement regarding fossil fuel supply and proposes mechanisms to address it. It suggests that countries could use Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Long-Term Strategies (LTSs) to articulate production phase-downs. The authors argue that such actions would provide clearer signals to financial markets, foster international norms, and support a just transition for affected workers. The paper identifies several entry points within the Paris Agreement, including the enhanced transparency framework, the global stocktake, and finance reform, while acknowledging that consensus-based decision-making in the UNFCCC may require a 'coalition of the willing' to lead by example.

The report analyzes the climate pledges of 18 Asian countries, finding that while energy and transport are primary mitigation focuses, there are significant gaps in quantified climate finance requirements and the integration of gender and social inclusion. It highlights a regional disparity in disaster risk reduction planning, with South Asian countries generally showing higher levels of integration than their South-East Asian counterparts.

The report argues that while vehicle tailpipe emissions are decreasing due to efficiency gains, the overall climate impact of gasoline is rising because the oil industry is shifting toward more energy-intensive and polluting extraction and refining methods. It highlights the high emissions from depleted wells, tight oil (fracking), and tar sands, and calls for increased transparency, the elimination of routine flaring, and a transition to cleaner fuels to reduce the projected 100 billion barrels of oil consumption between 2015 and 2035.

The document asserts that meeting the Paris Agreement's goals of keeping warming "well below 2°C" requires a phase-down of coal, oil, and natural gas production. It identifies six primary mechanisms within the UNFCCC framework to achieve this: incorporating supply-side targets in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), planning managed declines in long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategies (LTSs), tracking extraction via the global stocktake, providing technical capacity-building support, redirecting finance away from fossil fuel infrastructure, and providing developed-country assistance to developing nations for economic transitions.

The executive summary outlines how water-driven stresses—caused by both human mismanagement and climate change—undermine governance and livelihoods, leading to migration, conflict, and the rise of insurgencies, which in turn destabilize U.S. foreign interests.

The report examines Qatar's strategic engagement in the Horn of Africa, driven by a desire for international significance and regional autonomy from Saudi Arabia and Iran. It highlights a highly centralised, personalised decision-making process led by the emir, which often bypasses formal diplomatic institutions. While Qatar has successfully mediated between Eritrea and Djibouti, its efforts in Darfur are characterised as a failure due to a lack of contextual understanding and political leverage. The document details Qatar's use of financial wealth, military alliances with the US and Turkey, and the Al Jazeera network as primary instruments of influence.

The report evaluates alternatives to gas-driven pneumatic controllers, which are the second-largest source of methane emissions in the US oil and gas industry. It identifies electronic controllers and instrument air as the two most mature and widely applicable zero-emission technologies. An economic analysis of 2,032 site configurations found that these solutions are cost-effective—with abatement costs below the US EPA's social cost of methane ($1,354/tCH4)—in the vast majority of cases, particularly for sites with four or more controllers or those incorporating chemical injection pumps.

The document argues that dual pricing of fuel is generally difficult to implement due to high levels of leakage, illegal diversion, and shortages. It highlights that fuels easy to adulterate or smuggle, such as diesel, gasoline, and kerosene, are the hardest to dual price. The briefing examines various delivery mechanisms, noting that 'one-brand' systems using electronic transfers are generally more robust than 'two-brand' systems. Case studies from India, the Philippines, and El Salvador illustrate these challenges and potential technological solutions, such as smart cards and mobile phone-based subsidy transfers.

The report details the technical specifications, deployment history, and systemic failures of the US Ground Based Interceptor (GBI) and its associated kill vehicles. It highlights a pattern of deploying hardware and software before adequate flight testing, resulting in numerous design flaws, manufacturing errors, and failed intercept tests across multiple versions of the kill vehicle (CE-I, CE-II, and CE-II Block 1). The document also outlines future development plans for the Redesigned Kill Vehicle (RKV) and Multi-Object Kill Vehicles (MOKV), while discussing the kinematics of SM-3 interceptors as potential alternatives.

The report argues that the US Ground-based Midcourse Defense (GMD) system is in a state of disarray due to a 'schedule-driven' development process that bypassed standard DOD5000 acquisition rules. This approach led to the fielding of interceptors before successful testing, systemic design flaws like the 'track gate anomaly', and a poor test record where only a third of intercept tests have succeeded since deployment began. The authors conclude that the system cannot reliably protect the US from nuclear attack and may increase security risks by encouraging adversaries to modernize their arsenals.

The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) helped MTN develop the Situational Awareness and Integrated Response (SAIR) system, an open-source informatics tool used to gather intelligence and manage security in volatile markets across Africa and the Middle East.

The health care system in Somaliland is characterized by chronic underfunding, significant regional disparities, and a proliferation of unregulated private providers. While international aid and diaspora remittances provide critical resources, they often lack local sustainability and can exacerbate regional inequalities. The document highlights the Hargeisa Group Hospital (HGH) as a successful example of a Regional Health Board and cost-sharing system, though it notes that true community ownership and accountability mechanisms remain underdeveloped.

The document analyzes the rise of the Vilayat-e Khorasan front of Daesh in Afghanistan and the resulting anxiety among neighboring states. It argues that regional governments are hindered by a 'mutual blame game,' treating Daesh as an external political entity rather than a social phenomenon with domestic drivers. The author identifies key drivers of radicalization, including poverty, unemployment, lack of education, and political grievances, particularly in Central Asia. The paper distinguishes between short-term counter-measures (military force, border controls, intelligence) and long-term preventive measures (education, inter-faith dialogue, and addressing socio-economic grievances). It concludes that a multilateral approach, supported by regional organizations like the SCO and CICA, is essential to combat this transnational threat.

The document examines the tension between treating fossil fuel suppliers as polluters and recognizing extraction as a sovereign right for development. It argues that meeting Paris Agreement targets requires leaving a majority of proven reserves in the ground, which would disproportionately impact lower-income regions through the loss of significant resource rents.