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The document examines Ethiopia's foreign policy under the EPRDF-led government, specifically the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy (FANSPS). It highlights Ethiopia's dominant role in regional peace and security, particularly through IGAD and UN/AU peacekeeping missions, while critiquing the mismatch between this strategic prominence and the allocation of diplomatic and financial resources. The author argues that Ethiopia's focus on internal stability and security has led to a 'sluggish' approach to economic diplomacy and regional integration.

The paper examines Ethiopia's position regarding the COMESA FTA, concluding that while trade liberalisation could increase general welfare through cheaper imports, it poses significant risks to Ethiopia's infant manufacturing sector, potentially leading to job losses and revenue reductions. It highlights that Ethiopia is pursuing regional integration through bilateral infrastructure and energy projects—such as the LAPSSET Corridor and hydropower exports—rather than formal trade liberalisation.

The policy brief examines the critical role of dryland forests in Africa, which cover 61% of the continent and support 60% of its population. It argues that these ecosystems are chronically undervalued in national economic planning and suffer from a history of centralized management that alienated rural communities. The author contends that sustainable management requires devolving rights and responsibilities to the local level, legally entrenching community tenure, and investing in the real economic value of non-timber forest products to ensure conservation is more profitable than degradation.

The report examines the vulnerability of Kenya's private sector to climate change, specifically highlighting risks to hydropower, agriculture, and tourism. It evaluates fifteen risk assessment tools based on cost, complexity, and applicability, recommending four specific frameworks for Kenyan businesses. The document also identifies gaps in private sector adaptation, such as lack of specific geographic data and cost-benefit information, and suggests the development of a Kenyan-specific climate risk assessment tool.

One year after the death of Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia's foreign policy remains focused on domestic stability and regional security, particularly in the Horn of Africa. While the country has seen significant economic growth and maintains a strategic alliance with the US to combat terrorism, its diplomatic effectiveness is hindered by a gap between its stated commitment to democracy and its domestic political reality. The author argues that embracing genuine democratic reforms would improve Ethiopia's international prestige and its ability to act as a regional broker for peace and stability.

The National Climate Change Action Plan 2013-2017 provides a strategic roadmap for Kenya to reduce its vulnerability to climate change while maintaining low greenhouse gas emissions. It identifies priority actions across sectors such as agriculture, energy, forestry, and transport, and proposes the establishment of a National Climate Change Council and a Kenya Climate Fund to coordinate governance and finance. The plan emphasizes a 'low carbon climate resilient development pathway' that aligns with Kenya Vision 2030, estimating total investment requirements at approximately KSh 1,085 billion (USD 12.76 billion) for the five-year period.

The document argues that while governance-related intra-state conflicts have become more prevalent than direct inter-state border disputes since the late 1980s, Africa's porous and artificial colonial borders continue to threaten peace and security. These boundaries facilitate the 'regionalisation of conflict' by allowing domestic instability to spill over into neighbouring states, as seen in the Great Lakes region, the Horn of Africa, and West Africa. The author contends that the African Union's (AU) policy of maintaining the colonial status quo (the 'inviolability of national boundaries') has not eliminated tensions. To address this, the AU Border Programme (AUBP) seeks to transform borders from 'barriers' into 'bridges' through proper delimitation and demarcation, which the author identifies as a necessary precondition for successful continental integration and the structural prevention of conflict.

The report assesses critical security and political risks across several African nations. In Libya, it highlights the challenges of the National Transitional Council (NTC) in establishing law and order and an inclusive government post-Gaddafi. In Egypt, it examines the volatile transition under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCOAF) and the rising influence of Islamist groups. In Guinea, it analyzes the fragility of democracy following an attempted coup in July 2011. In Malawi, it details the economic and political crisis resulting from the suspension of UK budget support and violent protests. Finally, it reviews the AU's response to the severe drought and famine in the Horn of Africa, specifically Somalia, under the principle of non-indifference.

The document argues that the international community's approach to Somali piracy has prioritised military deterrence and legal accountability over human rights, leading to a 'catch and release' policy or the rendering of suspects to regional courts with inadequate legal frameworks. It specifically examines Kenya's role as a primary prosecution hub, highlighting a lack of domesticated maritime law, systemic corruption, and appalling prison conditions. The author contends that these failures, combined with the failure to prosecute onshore sponsors of piracy, undermine the credibility of counter-piracy efforts and may fuel further instability.

The document outlines the value added by diaspora engagement, such as context-specific knowledge and access to high-risk areas, while addressing challenges like community fragmentation and politicization. It provides a framework for capacity-building, funding, and recruitment to better integrate diasporas into mainstream development and peacebuilding efforts.

The document argues that effective climate adaptation requires a comprehensive information system comprising basic climate data, economic cost-benefit analyses, adaptation best practices, and vulnerability assessments. It emphasizes that information must be user-centered and iterative, moving beyond simple scientific publication to a collaborative dialogue between providers and decision-makers. The author highlights significant gaps in observational data, particularly in the developing world, and the difficulty of scaling global climate models to local levels. To ensure equitable and effective use, the paper suggests the use of 'boundary organizations' like NGOs and local universities to translate complex data into locally relevant knowledge, while adhering to specific communication principles to overcome barriers like scientific jargon and uncertainty.

In a keynote address at a 2009 roundtable conference, Minister Okello Oryem Henry identifies key drivers of African security, including conflict management, economic integration, and the governance of natural resources. He advocates for a gradual process of African integration toward a 'United States of Africa' to enhance the continent's collective ability to face endogenous and exogenous threats. The Minister highlights specific risks such as water disputes over the Nile, border demarcation conflicts, and the need for sustainable funding for African-led peace support operations like the Africa Standby Force.

The document examines over 200 registered migrant organizations from the Horn of Africa in Norway, noting that while many are inactive or focused on local community needs, some engage in peacebuilding through humanitarian aid or advocacy. It identifies that capacity is limited by fragmentation within communities, restrictive laws in countries of origin (such as Ethiopia's Law on Charities and Societies), and security risks in Somalia. The authors recommend that European institutions adopt long-term, coherent policies and avoid rigid 'equitable distribution' funding models that can inadvertently exacerbate clan-based conflicts.

The document argues that the withdrawal of UN peacekeepers (UNMEE) in 2008 has created a diplomatic vacuum, heightening the risk of war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. It details how both regimes use the border dispute to justify domestic repression and engage in proxy wars in Somalia and Sudan. The author highlights the personal animosity between leaders Meles Zenawi and Issayas Afwerki and the fragility of the Eritrean state. It concludes by recommending that the US lead a renewed international mediation effort to establish a legally binding border demarcation.

The briefing analyzes the rise of piracy in Somalia, specifically citing the seizure of the MV Faina, as evidence of systemic security failures. It attributes the crisis to the inability of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) to provide security, the limited mandate of AMISOM, and the failure of regional bodies like IGAD. The author contends that piracy gained local legitimacy as a response to the illegal exploitation of Somali marine resources by foreign companies and argues that military solutions are insufficient without a paradigm shift toward human security and the establishment of an inclusive Somali government.

The report analyzes the 2008 border dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti, tracing its roots to colonial-era protocols from 1900 and 1901. It argues that the conflict is not primarily about the contested Ras Doumeirah area, but is a strategic move by Eritrea to pressure Ethiopia, which relies heavily on Djibouti's ports. The document details the military imbalance between the two states, the role of external actors like France and the US, and the broader instability in the Horn of Africa, including proxy wars in Somalia and internal tensions in Ethiopia's Ogaden region.

The provided text is an addendum to a 2007 research paper by Nils Petter Gleditsch, Ragnhild Nordås, and Idean Salehyan. It does not contain original analysis or findings but instead lists the data sources and references used in the main paper. The authors specify that data on armed conflict and war were sourced from the Uppsala/PRIO conflict database and the PRIO battle deaths data. The extensive reference list covers literature on environmental security, climate-induced migration, water conflicts, and the relationship between resource scarcity and violent conflict, with particular mentions of studies in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Horn of Africa, West Africa, and India.

The document analyzes the intersection of global counter-terrorism efforts and regional instability in the Horn of Africa. It highlights how the US 'war on terror' has been a 'double-edged blade,' providing resources for security but also empowering authoritarian regimes to label political opponents as terrorists. The author details the rise of radical Islamism in the region, the limitations of national and regional legislative responses, and the failures of US strategies in Somalia, specifically the backing of warlords which inadvertently strengthened the Union of Islamic Courts.

The document analyzes the IGAD-led peace process between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), highlighting the critical role of US pressure and the Machakos Protocol. It warns that the initial 'elite-driven' and 'secretive' approach must be replaced by transparency and democratic engagement to prevent instability from marginalized groups, such as the SSDF and the SLM/A in Darfur. The author emphasizes that internal stability is inextricably linked to resolving contentious bilateral relations with neighbors, particularly Eritrea and Uganda, and calls for a comprehensive regional framework to secure the peace.

The document examines Ethiopia's efforts to integrate climate adaptation into national policy, specifically highlighting the water sector as the primary medium for climate impacts. While Ethiopia has established a National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) and is developing the Carbon Neutral Climate Resilience Ethiopia (CNCR-E) programme, progress is hindered by resource shortages, fragmented governance across ministries, and technical capacity constraints. The text warns that international finance mechanisms focusing on 'additional' funding may inadvertently encourage peripheral 'add-on' projects rather than integrating adaptation into routine sector planning and budgeting.