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The document examines the impacts of coal, oil, gas, and megadams across Africa, highlighting how these 'dirty energy' sources drive climate change and cause severe social and health crises. It details specific cases, such as South Africa's coal reliance, Uganda's oil expansion, and Mozambique's megadams, while warning against the 'extreme energy' frontier of fracking and tar sands. The briefing concludes that African governments must reject these outdated pathways in favor of decentralized, sustainable energy systems supported by climate finance from developed nations.

The document examines the impacts of 'dirty energy' (coal, oil, gas, nuclear, industrial biomass, mega-dams, and waste incineration) across Africa. It highlights how these technologies drive climate change, cause severe health and environmental damage, and often benefit elites and multinational corporations over local populations. The report provides case studies on coal in South Africa, oil in Nigeria and Uganda, mega-dams in Mozambique, and the risks of 'extreme energy' like fracking and bitumen extraction in the Maghreb and Nigeria. It concludes by calling for 'energy sovereignty' and a just transition to decentralized, renewable energy systems.

The document examines the impacts of 'polluting energy'—including fossil fuels, industrial biomass, and large dams—across Africa. It highlights how these systems often benefit elites and corporations while leaving local populations to face health crises, land grabbing, and climate vulnerability. Specific case studies focus on South Africa's coal dependency, oil extraction in Nigeria and Uganda, the influence of European energy policies in the Maghreb, and the social and environmental costs of large dams in Mozambique. The report concludes that African nations must avoid 'locking in' obsolete polluting technologies and instead pursue energy sovereignty through decentralized renewables.

The document analyzes adaptation efforts in 15 countries across Africa and Asia, highlighting a universal prioritization of the agricultural sector and significant gaps in subnational planning and monitoring systems. While national-level policy frameworks are advancing, the review identifies a persistent lack of adaptation programming in health, forestry, and fisheries, and notes that progress is driven more by political leadership and donor priorities than by development status or climate risk levels.

The document examines how ECOWAS implements the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on 'sustaining peace' through conflict prevention, mediation, and peacebuilding. It highlights ECOWAS's sophisticated early warning system (ECOWARN) and its recent institutionalization of mediation through a new directorate, while noting significant gaps in post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD). The paper argues for clearer definitions of comparative advantage and subsidiarity between ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) to avoid duplication and improve regional stability.

The document analyzes the challenges African low-income countries (LICs) face in financing infrastructure, specifically focusing on the African Development Fund (ADF). It highlights a critical gap in concessional funding, which pushes LICs toward high-interest non-concessional loans and unsustainable debt. The paper evaluates the ADF's ability to mobilize private sector finance through blending, guarantees, and public-private partnerships (PPPs), while using Lesotho and Senegal as case studies to illustrate issues such as inadequate project preparation, limited institutional capacity, and the risks of poorly managed PPPs. It concludes with recommendations for the ADF to enhance its project preparation facilities, improve debt advisory services, and ensure more inclusive stakeholder consultations.

The report estimates that ending world hunger by 2030 will require an average of USD 11 billion in additional annual public spending, with USD 4 billion provided by donors and USD 7 billion by poor countries. This investment is projected to trigger an additional USD 5 billion in annual private investment. The analysis focuses on three intervention categories: social safety nets, farm support, and rural development. Using a sample of seven African countries to extrapolate global costs, the report identifies that Africa, particularly Central and South East Africa, will require the highest level of support, with some countries depending on donors for over 90 per cent of their budgets.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The report identifies systemic failures in African land administration, including the fact that only about 10 percent of land is legally documented. It argues that securing tenure through a combination of community land registration in land-abundant areas and individual titling in land-constrained areas is essential for investment. The text highlights the need to integrate customary tenure into statutory law and eliminate market restrictions to improve access for women, youth, and the land-poor, while warning against 'land grabs' resulting from weak governance.

The report identifies a critical 'cusp group' comprising 23% of sub-Saharan Africa's population who are transitioning from absolute poverty but lack meaningful assets. By analyzing three distinct market types—the 'stuck' and over-indebted market of South Africa, the 'uncertain' and rapidly digitizing market of Kenya, and the 'squeezed' and capital-constrained market of Ghana—the document argues that credit must expand in 'healthy ways' to avoid financial crises. It recommends a tiered approach to regulation: improving market monitoring globally, leveraging digital ID and P2P lending in constrained markets, and introducing 'learner's licenses' for credit or loss-capping for lenders in over-indebted markets.

The report identifies a 'cusp group' comprising 23% of sub-Saharan Africa's population who earn $2-$5 per day and straddle formal and informal economies. It analyzes three distinct credit market 'faces': South Africa is 'Stuck' due to aggressive formal lending and high indebtedness; Kenya is 'Uncertain' as it transitions from traditional loans to rapid, short-term digital lending; and Ghana is 'Squeezed' by macroeconomic instability and high costs that limit formal credit access. The document argues that 'healthy' credit markets must be accessible, robust, diverse, and value-adding to prevent over-indebtedness while enabling asset accumulation. It recommends that regulators improve market monitoring, invest in digital identification, and introduce mechanisms like 'learner's licenses' for credit to protect vulnerable borrowers.

The document examines the intersection of Ghana's oil industry and its artisanal fisheries, which account for 60-70% of the total marine catch. While initial tensions focused on exclusion zones around oil platforms and collisions, the paper argues that the oil sector is not the primary threat to fisheries sustainability. Instead, the sector faces systemic challenges including fleet overcapacity, illegal fishing practices, and climate change. The author advocates for a 'socio-ecological compact' where the oil industry, government, and fishing communities collaborate through integrated maritime governance and co-management to ensure long-term sustainability.

The document examines China's use of large-scale infrastructure projects in Africa as a tool of economic statecraft to challenge Western-led global norms and promote a 'democratised' global order. It analyzes the role of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and compares African initiatives with similar Chinese regional forums in the Arab world, Central Asia, and Latin America. Despite a slowing domestic economy and falling commodity prices affecting resource-rich African states, the author contends that China's strategic geopolitical goals ensure the continued resilience of its African investments.

The paper finds that climate actions across examined INDCs align with 154 of the 169 SDG targets, demonstrating significant potential for mutual benefits between climate and development agendas. While global alignment is high, the authors note that few countries explicitly referenced SDGs in their INDCs, often due to separate institutional oversight between environment and development ministries. Case studies of Colombia and Uganda show high goal-level alignment, though target-level alignment varies based on national priorities. The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to maximize resources and avoid implementation silos.

The report identifies agriculture, water, fisheries, energy, and health as sectors negatively affected by climate change in Ghana, with a particular emphasis on the vulnerability of the northern region. While the Government of Ghana has integrated climate risk into sectoral policies, the National Climate Change Policy and National Climate Change Adaptation Strategy are designed to provide the concrete actions missing from those documents. Current initiatives are concentrated in the agricultural sector and northern regions to support poverty reduction and economic growth. Future priorities include improving the evidence base for adaptation via monitoring and evaluation and increasing the capacity of sub-national actors and civil society networks.

The document evaluates a capacity development programme on water security and climate resilient development involving 140 participants and 30 mentors across eight African nations. While it notes that the capacity to integrate climate change into national planning remains limited in most of these countries, the programme successfully fostered individual and institutional learning and sparked ongoing initiatives to include climate considerations in national development. The brief suggests that future iterations of the programme would be more cost-effective due to existing investments in learning materials and training of trainers.

The document argues that dual pricing of fuel is generally difficult to implement due to high levels of leakage, illegal diversion, and shortages. It highlights that fuels easy to adulterate or smuggle, such as diesel, gasoline, and kerosene, are the hardest to dual price. The briefing examines various delivery mechanisms, noting that 'one-brand' systems using electronic transfers are generally more robust than 'two-brand' systems. Case studies from India, the Philippines, and El Salvador illustrate these challenges and potential technological solutions, such as smart cards and mobile phone-based subsidy transfers.

Togo has significantly reduced piracy since 2012 through increased naval patrols and international cooperation, recording no acts of piracy in 2015. However, the country faces ongoing challenges, including a struggling fisheries sector plagued by overfishing and poor resources, and an international ship registry that provides few local jobs and is linked to illicit fishing. While the Autonomous Port of Lomé maintains ISPS Code compliance and serves as a key transit hub for landlocked countries like Burkina Faso, it suffers from space constraints and poor internal road infrastructure. To sustain security, Togo established the National Organisation for State Action at Sea (NOSAS) in 2014, though hierarchical ambiguities persist between the maritime prefect and the advisor for the sea.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.