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The document is a workshop report detailing the regional dimensions of conflict in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. It examines how the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), the illegal exploitation of natural resources, and forced displacement create a cycle of instability. The report analyzes the role of regional bodies like the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and the East African Community (EAC) in promoting sustainable peace, while highlighting systemic challenges such as weak governance, impunity for human rights violations, and a dependence on external funding.

The document examines the 2011 uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, alongside the political responses in Algeria and Morocco. It identifies systemic corruption, youth unemployment, and political exclusion as primary drivers. It specifically analyzes the Libyan civil war, the role of the African Union and European Union, and the potential for these revolutionary dynamics to spread to Sub-Saharan Africa. The report concludes that the African Union's response was slow and lacked a clear framework for dealing with popular democratic revolutions compared to military coups.

The report investigates how positions are formulated within the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), highlighting the tension between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. It uses the 2009 Copenhagen climate negotiations as a case study to show how national interests and regional rivalries—such as those between Ethiopia and Sudan—undermine a unified African voice. The document also critiques the EU's approach to Africa, particularly the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), arguing that the EU often ignores the complexity of African regional dynamics. Finally, it assesses peace and security architectures in Southern Africa (SADC) and the Horn of Africa (IGAD), noting that external financial incentives often drive missions that lack a solid local mandate.

The report examines the tension between national sovereignty and supranationalism in African decision-making, highlighting the role of the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs). It analyzes the complexities of forming 'African Common Positions', using the 2009 Copenhagen climate negotiations as a case study, and critiques the EU's approach to partnership, specifically regarding Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). The document also explores security architectures in the Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, noting the influence of external actors and the challenges of multi-membership in regional bodies.

The report examines the potential secession of Southern Sudan, highlighting unresolved issues such as border demarcation and oil revenue division. It assesses the risks of the new state becoming a 'weak state' with limited control over its borders and the proliferation of small arms, while also noting opportunities for regional economic integration and trade with Kenya and Uganda.

South Africa is a signatory to the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) and has indicated that ratification will soon be referred to Parliament. While the government has not disclosed the exact size of its cluster munition stockpile, it has acknowledged possessing obsolete munitions earmarked for destruction and is preparing a disposal plan. South Africa continues to engage in international disarmament forums, including the UN General Assembly and the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW), while supporting a comprehensive ban on cluster weapons.

The document details a seminar presentation by Chief Superintendent Vance B Gariba and a response by Dr Emmanuel Kisiangani regarding the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It examines the historical context of Somalia's instability, the mandate and achievements of AMISOM—including the training of over 2,000 Somali police—and the systemic failures of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). The discussion highlights critical gaps in AMISOM's mandate, such as the lack of civilian protection, and suggests that long-term stability requires transformative institutional building and potential political engagement with Al Shabaab leaders.

The report argues that carbon trading is an ineffective and often corrupt mechanism for addressing climate change in Africa. It examines the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and voluntary markets, finding that they frequently favor large industrial polluters over sustainable development and marginalize local communities. Through case studies in South Africa, Uganda, and Ethiopia, the authors illustrate how 'additionality' is often fabricated and how projects can lead to land grabs or the subsidization of fossil fuel expansion. The document concludes that the carbon market is structurally flawed and should be abolished in favor of direct public funding and low-carbon development pathways based on historical responsibility.

The document presents results from a pilot study of 177 armed conflict actors in 20 African countries. It finds that sexual violence is often indiscriminate, frequently committed by state armies, and can persist in post-conflict periods or years with low killing rates. The study emphasizes that sexual violence is not an inevitable part of war, as many actors do not engage in it, and recommends improved reporting mechanisms and targeted interventions to reduce its occurrence.

The document analyzes four studies to determine that developing countries have pledged more absolute mitigation than developed countries, though global pledges remain insufficient to limit warming to 2°C. It argues that developed countries must increase their ambition and tighten accounting rules to reflect their greater historical responsibility and financial capacity.

The document argues that conventional 'siloed' policy-making is insufficient to address the interconnected pressures of population growth, urbanization, and climate change on water, energy, and food security. It proposes a 'nexus approach' that integrates management across sectors to identify synergies and minimize negative externalities. The paper details the specific interactions between these sectors—such as the high water intensity of biofuels and the energy requirements of water desalination—and provides case studies from Jordan, Ethiopia, India, and Brazil to illustrate both the risks of non-integrated development and the potential for sustainable, pro-poor intensification.

The report employs a Household Energy Economic Analysis (HHEA) model based on discrete choice analysis and stated preference surveys to understand why clean cooking technologies often fail to penetrate Sub-Saharan African markets. By surveying households in Addis Ababa, Dar es Salaam, and Maputo, the study argues that product-specific attributes—such as stove price, usage cost, safety, and smoke levels—are as critical as socio-economic factors in determining consumer choice. The findings reveal that low-income households are significantly more sensitive to upfront stove prices than usage costs, while higher-income groups show a greater willingness to pay for reduced smoke and increased safety. The report concludes that for bio-ethanol stoves to be viable, particularly for the poor, policies must address both the initial purchase price through subsidies or microfinance and the ongoing fuel costs.

The WACC Strategic Plan 2012-2016 establishes the organization's identity as an ecumenical body rooted in Christian principles and dedicated to the 'communication rights' of the poor and dispossessed. The plan identifies four global trends—increased support for communication rights, the rise of social media, evolving media literacy needs, and the decline of traditional ecumenical funding—that shape its direction. Key strategic priorities include strengthening the voices of marginalized communities through tools like the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP), increasing the advocacy capacity of its members and partners, and improving organizational governance and network connectivity. WACC aims to position itself as a primary expert on communication rights while maintaining an inclusive approach that serves all people regardless of religious identity.

The document discusses how the AGF's goal of mobilising US$100 billion annually by 2020 for climate-resilient development affects Latin America and the Caribbean, emphasizing the need for private sector frameworks, public sector catalysis of investment, and the protection of regional development and adaptation needs.

The report challenges the 'miracle crop' narrative of jatropha, presenting ten reasons why industrial-scale plantations fail. It argues that jatropha requires fertile land, significant water, and chemical inputs to be productive, contradicting claims that it thrives on marginal land. This leads to competition with food production, displacement of local communities, and biodiversity loss. Economically, the report highlights a pattern of failed investment projects and unrealistic yield promises. Environmentally, it asserts that land-use change for jatropha can increase carbon emissions, undermining its purpose as a climate solution.

The document analyzes the mediation efforts of Thabo Mbeki, chair of the AU High Level Implementation Panel for Sudan, in negotiations between the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). It outlines four potential post-referendum scenarios ranging from complete separation to a unified Sudan, while highlighting critical challenges such as oil governance, border disputes, and the risk of unilateral actions. The brief emphasizes that the outcome of the referendum will serve as a test case for the African Union's approach to secession and colonial borders across the continent.

The paper challenges the finding that warming is robustly linked to civil war in Sub-Saharan Africa by replicating and testing the model used by Burke et al. (2009). Through influence diagnostics, alternative operationalizations of civil war, and expanded sample periods, the authors find that the reported positive effect of temperature is tenuous and often disappears. The analysis suggests that the original results were driven by a few influential observations involving foreign intervention and that climate variables provide negligible predictive power compared to country-specific fixed effects and time trends.

The document outlines Africa's high vulnerability to climate change and its significant investment gaps in adaptation and mitigation. It evaluates the AGF's proposal to mobilise US$100 billion annually by 2020, highlighting potential public funding sources like carbon taxes and fossil fuel subsidy redirection, while stressing the need for grants for adaptation and regulatory reforms to attract private investment in carbon markets.

The document argues that Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate change despite being among the lightest polluters. It highlights critical threats to water and food security, the potential for climate change to act as a 'threat multiplier' for conflict, and the urgent need for improved climate information and financial compensation from developed nations for adaptation.

The statement outlines the architecture and status of South Africa's national APRM programme, emphasizing that civil society is the most critical component for ensuring the process's legitimacy. It identifies significant barriers to effective participation, including a lack of national ownership, limited access to information, and a critical shortage of financial resources, particularly for smaller NGOs. The document calls for collaborative strategies between government, business, and civil society to address these capacity gaps and align national performance targets with APRM goals.