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The document analyzes how China's decentralization and internationalization have empowered its provinces to act as multilayered foreign policy actors in Africa. It details their roles in trade, construction, investment, and aid, noting that while they often act as agents of the central government, they increasingly pursue independent economic interests. The authors argue that this subnational engagement facilitates deeper Sino-African relations but can also create diplomatic friction due to labor disputes and unethical business practices. The paper suggests that African nations should adopt a multilevel approach to engagement by partnering directly with Chinese provinces to attract investment and share developmental expertise.

The report argues that while climate change is not the sole cause of conflict, it acts as a 'threat multiplier' in the Levant. It identifies six primary security threats, including increased competition for water, intensified food insecurity, and destabilizing forced migration. The authors emphasize that the region's history of conflict and deep distrust undermine its adaptive capacity, making it more vulnerable to environmental shocks. To mitigate these risks, the report proposes four strategies: fostering a culture of conservation, implementing community-level adaptation, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and enabling regional cooperation through shared resource management.

The document serves as a practical guide for the ratification of the Treaty of Pelindaba, which aims to ensure that no African country develops, produces, tests, acquires, or stations nuclear weapons. It details the treaty's obligations, the role of the African Commission on Nuclear Energy, and the specific steps states must take to formally join the agreement. As of February 2009, 26 of the 53 African Union member states had deposited instruments of ratification, with two more required for the treaty to enter into force.

The document details a 2009 workshop organized by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) focusing on the intersection of climate change and transboundary water conflicts in Africa, with a heavy emphasis on the Nile River Basin. It examines how environmental degradation, population growth, and uneven water distribution exacerbate tensions between riparian states. The report highlights the role of regional bodies like the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), IGAD, and ECOWAS, and argues that while climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier,' it can also serve as an incentive for regional cooperation. Key recommendations include the ratification of the UN Convention on the Law of Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses, the establishment of joint management frameworks, and the integration of climate adaptation into national planning and donor programs.

The document examines Africa's engagement with the CWC and BTWC, noting that while CWC participation is high due to the support of the OPCW, BTWC engagement is low due to a lack of an oversight body and a perception that biological weapons are not a primary threat. It highlights significant gaps in national legislation and the vulnerability of African public health systems to deliberate disease outbreaks.

The document examines the hydropolitics of the Nile Basin, focusing on the tensions between upstream states, particularly Ethiopia, and downstream states, Egypt and Sudan. It argues that colonial-era agreements and Egypt's pursuit of 'prior appropriation' rights have created an inequitable distribution of water, hindering development in upper riparian states. The author suggests that cooperation through frameworks like the Nile Basin Initiative and the adoption of the Helsinki Rules for equitable sharing are necessary to avoid future conflict and ensure food and energy security.

The document details the perspectives of General Martin Luther Agwai on the implementation of the UNAMID mandate in Darfur. It outlines the socio-economic and political origins of the Darfur conflict, the transition from the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) to the hybrid UNAMID operation, and the significant logistical and political hurdles facing the mission. General Agwai argues that while UNAMID has achieved success in civilian protection and humanitarian support, it is severely hampered by a lack of equipment, insufficient troop levels, and a complex security environment where no stable peace exists to be kept.

The report investigates how ISO 26000 is perceived by SMEs, consultants, and National Cleaner Production Centres. It finds that while the ISO brand adds legitimacy to social responsibility, the standard's broad and generic nature makes it a poor management tool for SMEs, who often operate via informal processes and are driven by the personal values of owner-managers. The study highlights significant barriers for SMEs, including a lack of expertise, financial constraints, and low negotiating power within global value chains, which can lead to 'mock compliance'. It concludes that ISO 26000 is most relevant to a specific profile of SMEs—those that are export-oriented, networked into international supply chains, or led by sustainability-aware entrepreneurs.

The author contends that Africa Day 2008 must move beyond diplomatic celebrations to address systemic governance issues, citing the failure of governments to act on warnings from the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the persistence of long-term dictatorships. The text highlights specific regional instabilities, including post-electoral violence in Kenya and xenophobia in South Africa, while questioning the accountability of the APRM administration and the ability of current leadership to protect the continent from poverty, war, and climate change.

The report finds that CDM projects frequently underperform, with only 76% of forecasted CERs actually issued by June 2007. This underperformance is attributed to overestimations by consultants and validators, as well as implementation and monitoring difficulties. Waste projects are the worst performers, while N2O projects often exceed expectations. The study identifies additionality demonstration as the primary cause of project rejection, particularly for large-scale projects and cement blending activities in India and Brazil. Bilateral projects, especially those with European participants, show higher CER issuance rates than unilateral projects. The report also highlights deficiencies in stakeholder consultation and the lack of quantifiable indicators for sustainable development in host countries like China, India, and Brazil.

The document details the efforts of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) to influence South Africa's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process between 2004 and 2008. It argues that the South African government attempted to control the process by excluding specialist NGOs, staffing the National Governing Council (NGC) with government officials, and conducting final drafting of the Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) and Programme of Action (POA) behind closed doors. Despite these obstacles, ODAC successfully lobbied for the inclusion of access to information and whistleblower protection in the final binding POA, although the authors note that many of their specific detailed recommendations were omitted.

The report details the struggle of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) to integrate transparency and anti-corruption safeguards into South Africa's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process. Despite facing government attempts to control the process and exclude specialized NGOs, ODAC successfully lobbied for the inclusion of access to information and whistleblower protection in the final Plan of Action (PA). The document highlights systemic issues in the South African process, including the over-representation of government officials in the National Governance Council and the opaque nature of final document revisions.

The paper examines the tendency of executive branches in Africa to monopolize power, attributing this to inherited colonial structures and a lack of institutional capacity. It highlights how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has exposed these governance deficiencies. The author argues that while formal separation of powers exists, it is undermined by political realities and a culture of the 'Big Man'. To counter this, the document advocates for empowering civil society with information to hold the executive accountable and bolstering the independence and resources of the legislature and judiciary.

The document analyzes the tendency of executive branches in African governments to monopolize power, often resulting in the 'big man' cult of personality. It argues that while constitutional frameworks for the separation of powers exist, they are frequently undermined by political realities, lack of resources, and colonial legacies. The author suggests that effective legislative and judicial bodies, supported by an informed and active civil society, are essential to curbing executive abuse and ensuring good governance.

The paper argues that foreign direct investment in Africa is often driven by natural resources rather than good governance or low corruption. While countries with poor governance rankings often attract significant FDI, the author contends that sound governance is necessary for long-term resource management and sustainable economic growth.

The author contends that Africa requires a leadership group of its strongest nations—similar to the G8—to drive economic growth, enforce good governance, and attract investment. The text highlights that while the continent grew at 3.5% from 1995 to 2002, a growth rate of at least 8% is necessary for sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The author emphasizes the need for a 'virtual global African economic community' involving both the continent and its diaspora to create a $1 trillion market, urging the leading nations to move beyond the ineffective principle of non-interference and instead lead through the African Union and Nepad.

The study finds that CDM projects generally overestimate their emission reduction potential, with actual CER issuance reaching only 76% of the amount predicted at registration. Performance varies significantly by project type, with N2O projects over-performing (129%) and animal waste projects under-performing (28%). The analysis also indicates that in-house project development generally outperforms the use of large external consultancies, and that India showed the best host-country performance (122%) compared to China (55%) and Brazil (90%).

The document provides an update on the African Standby Force (ASF), a multidisciplinary force designed for rapid deployment in peace support operations across Africa. While significant progress has been made in developing doctrine, standard operating procedures, and training, the author notes that the project has failed to meet its original ambitious timelines. Key obstacles include severe logistical deficits, a lack of leadership and staffing at the African Union (AU) level, and a heavy reliance on external funding and technical expertise from international donors. The paper details the varying levels of readiness across five African regions and argues for a more integrated partnership between the AU and the UN to ensure sustainable security operations.

Since 1994, South Africa has acted as a primary catalyst for African integration, leveraging its economic dominance and diplomatic efforts to promote the 'African Renaissance'. While it leads in conflict resolution and institutional building through the AU and SADC, it faces tensions regarding its perceived 'big brother' role and a persistent trade imbalance with other African states. Its global role involves representing African interests in the G20 and UN Security Council, though its moral authority is sometimes undermined by a reluctance to criticize fellow African leaders, specifically in Zimbabwe.

The document analyzes how international investment agreements (IIAs) and investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms interact with human rights obligations. It finds that most IIAs are silent on human rights, and the current ad hoc nature of investor-state arbitration creates legal uncertainty for states attempting to enact new human rights or environmental regulations. The author argues that the lack of transparency in these proceedings undermines democratic accountability and recommends the development of model clauses to protect the 'right to regulate' and ensure human rights values are embedded in investment law.