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The document analyzes how Colombia and Nigeria employ narratives of development, energy security, and energy transition to justify oil and gas production, arguing that these stories often rely on inaccurate or outdated premises that entrench carbon dependency. It suggests that civil society and researchers can counter these narratives by demanding transparency, challenging flawed evidence, and promoting science-based alternatives for a just transition.

The document assesses the gap between Colombia's robust policy frameworks for the 2030 Agenda and climate goals and their actual implementation, which is hindered by conflicting priorities and institutional weaknesses. It highlights that while most land-use policies are synergistic, specific conflicts—particularly within mining legislation—and the criminalization of peasant farmers through military operations like Operation Artemisa undermine conservation efforts. The authors argue that overcoming this incoherence requires better inter-agency coordination, community engagement, and regional cooperation within the Amazon biome.

The policy brief argues that current menstrual health policies often oversimplify sustainability by focusing solely on the waste generated by disposable products. It recommends that policymakers adopt a comprehensive framework that considers local contexts, the impact of climate change on water accessibility, the need for standardized product quality, and the socio-economic barriers that influence product choice and disposal practices.

The authors call for a shift from a market-driven digital ecosystem to one based on Communication Rights, which treats media and AI as public utilities rather than commodities. They trace the history of communication struggles from the MacBride Commission to the current era of 'data colonialism,' where Big Tech extracts personal data as a resource. The document proposes a set of 'non-negotiables' for the WSIS+20 summit, including data sovereignty, public ownership of AI, and the creation of a new UN institution dedicated to Communication Rights.

The report details Brazil's recent efforts to institutionalize the bioeconomy under President Lula da Silva, highlighted by the creation of the National Secretariat of Bioeconomy (SNB) and the 2024 National Bioeconomy Strategy. It analyzes the bioeconomy through three lenses: biotechnological, bioresources, and bioecological, noting that the current national strategy primarily aligns with the bioecological vision. The document maps the roles of multiple ministries—including the Ministry of the Environment and Climate Change (MMA), the Ministry of Development, Industry, Trade and Services (MDIC), and the Ministry of Finance (MF)—in implementing this framework. It also identifies complementary regulations such as the Fuel of the Future Law and the Productive Forests National Program, while emphasizing the upcoming National Bioeconomy Development Plan (PNDBIO) as a key opportunity for cross-sectoral coordination.

Non-CO2 emissions account for approximately 25% of global greenhouse gas emissions, yet they are frequently overlooked in NDCs, which often lack gas-specific quantitative targets. While some countries like Côte d’Ivoire and Japan provide good practice examples of quantitative targets, major emitters including China, Russia, India, and Brazil generally only include non-CO2 gases as part of overall GHG targets. China, whose current NDC covers only CO2 despite non-CO2 gases making up 18% of its national emissions, has indicated it will include these gases in its updated NDC. The brief argues that the 2025 NDC update cycle is a critical opportunity for major emitters, particularly China, to adopt sector-specific targets and align with international initiatives like the Global Methane Pledge and the Kigali Amendment to maintain the 1.5°C warming limit.

The briefing highlights a significant funding gap in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), where current climate finance flows represent only 0.5% of regional GDP, far below the 3.7% to 4.9% estimated by ECLAC to meet Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). While developed nations eventually met the USD 100 billion annual pledge in 2022, the LAC region's share of international finance (17% between 2016-2020) consists largely of loans (81%), exacerbating regional debt. Financing is heavily concentrated in Brazil, Mexico, Costa Rica, and Colombia, with a strong preference for mitigation over adaptation projects.

The document examines the role of Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanisms (CBAMs) in preventing carbon leakage and reducing emissions, with a primary focus on the EU CBAM. It argues that while the EU CBAM aims to promote global decarbonisation, it may only slightly reduce overall emissions while imposing significant economic burdens on developing nations, potentially costing them billions in income. The briefing highlights a growing, uncoordinated global trend of countries introducing their own carbon tariffs, which risks fragmenting trade and creating high compliance costs for small producers. It concludes that international cooperation, aligned with UNFCCC principles and supported by climate finance, is essential to ensure these mechanisms support global climate goals without unfairly penalising vulnerable economies.

The document argues that the Chair's third non-paper provides an adequate structure for negotiations at INC-5 but would result in an 'ineffective and useless treaty' if not significantly strengthened. CIEL advocates for replacing voluntary language with legally binding obligations, establishing a dedicated financial mechanism based on the polluter pays principle, and implementing global phase-outs of chemicals of concern. Key recommendations include introducing a freeze on new polymer production capacity, making national plans mandatory, and adopting a qualified majority voting system for the Conference of the Parties to prevent decision-making paralysis.

The document analyzes the shift in Brazil's bioeconomy governance since 2023, highlighted by the creation of the National Bioeconomy Strategy and the National Bioeconomy Secretariat within the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change (MMA). It categorizes bioeconomy into three visions—biotechnological, bio-resources, and bio-ecological—noting that the current national strategy primarily aligns with the bio-ecological vision. The report details new regulatory frameworks such as the 'Fuel of the Future' law and various sustainable production programs, while mapping the transversal roles of multiple ministries (including MDIC, Fazenda, and MCTI) in coordinating the transition to a low-carbon economy.

The report argues that a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty can catalyze the financing necessary for a global just transition by establishing new funding regimes, creating state obligations, and supporting parallel financial reforms. It categorizes potential solutions into three clusters: debt management, new forms of finance and investment, and the replacement of fossil fuel revenues. The authors emphasize that wealthy nations must assume historical responsibility by ending extraction first and providing financial support to low and middle-income countries (LMICs) to diversify their economies.

The report examines the potential for mining companies to share their digital infrastructure—such as high-speed connectivity and data processing technologies—with host communities to catalyze economic diversification and social benefits. It identifies significant barriers, including the 'usage gap' driven by digital illiteracy and a lack of devices, and a pronounced gender digital divide. The document provides policy recommendations to integrate digital connectivity into local content strategies, improve inter-ministerial coordination, and establish public-private partnerships to ensure the long-term sustainability of these networks beyond the mine's life cycle.

The report finds that while most NAPs recognize the importance of ecosystems and include EbA or NbS actions, there is a significant disconnect between climate adaptation planning and national biodiversity strategies. Most countries prioritize ecosystems linked to productive economic sectors, such as forests and fisheries, while urban and mountain ecosystems remain underrepresented.

The SEI strategy 2025–29 focuses on accelerating the implementation of climate and environmental goals through three primary impact areas: climate transitions, nature and resources, and health and wellbeing. The institute aims to move beyond goal-setting to action by boosting research on implementation, exploring emerging topics like critical raw materials and AI, and strengthening research-to-policy networks. Operationally, SEI seeks to enhance its 'One SEI' approach to integrate its distributed regional centres and diversify its funding to ensure financial resilience.

The document examines South Africa's transition from coal, noting that while the country is a global leader in planning, it faces significant implementation hurdles. Key issues include a misalignment between the low ambitions of national government and foreign funders versus the high expectations of local communities and unions. The brief identifies limited local institutional capacity and inadequate conventional financing as major barriers. It specifically discusses green hydrogen projects, where social goals are often treated as secondary to cost and technical feasibility. The authors argue that transparent decision-making and addressing local priorities—such as basic services and food security—are essential to maintain public legitimacy and ensure the transition's success.

This case study analyzes the socio-economic crisis in La Jagua de Ibirico, Colombia, following the 2020 closure of a major coal mine. It highlights how the resulting loss of resources severely limits the institutional and financial capacity of local authorities to lead a just transition in a region already burdened by armed conflict and social inequality.

The report examines how emerging technologies are being integrated into the civil nuclear sector to support the goal of tripling nuclear capacity by 2050. It highlights US-led diplomatic initiatives like the FIRST program, which promotes the export of next-generation reactors to counter Russian and Chinese influence. The text details technical advancements in neutron detection by the Bay Area Neutron Group and the IAEA's use of AI and satellite imagery for safeguards. It further explores the symbiotic relationship between AI and nuclear energy, where advanced reactors provide stable power for AI data centers while AI optimizes reactor design and safety through physics-informed machine learning and digital twins.

The project achieved a 'Satisfactory' overall rating, successfully mobilizing over USD 20 million for conservation and signing a Single Memorandum of Understanding to align with the broader Peru Natural Legacy (PdP) initiative. Key successes include improving management effectiveness scores (METT) across four pilot areas and institutionalizing a gender approach within SERNANP. However, the project faced challenges from political instability, high personnel turnover, and the COVID-19 pandemic, which hindered the maintenance of conservation status in some areas and limited private sector engagement.

The Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region is planning an estimated US$123.6 billion in new LNG infrastructure, primarily concentrated in Mexico, Argentina, and Brazil. Mexico has the world's third-largest planned LNG export buildout at 73.6 mtpa, largely intended to export U.S. gas from the Permian Basin. Argentina is proposing the 30 mtpa Argentina GNL Terminal to export gas from the Vaca Muerta shale basin, a project described as a "carbon bomb." Brazil is pursuing the world's fourth-largest LNG import expansion at 36.5 mtpa to reduce reliance on Bolivian gas and mitigate hydropower instability during droughts. These developments risk creating stranded assets and locking the region into gas dependence, contradicting IEA recommendations that the LNG trade peak this decade to limit warming to 1.5“. The report argues that the region's abundant renewable resources offer a more sustainable alternative to fossil fuel volatility.

The declaration from the III Assembly “Amazon free of fossil fuels and all forms of extractivism” asserts that the Amazon must not be a "sacrifice zone for external interests." The signatories demand respect for indigenous self-determination and the right to consent, rejecting the "false promise of development" associated with oil and gold extraction. They highlight the destructive impact of oil spills and the criminalization of environmental defenders, while arguing that fossil fuel exploitation deepens the global climate crisis. The group rejects carbon credits as "false solutions" and calls for a "just and popular energy transition" and the remediation of ecological damages, specifically citing victories in Yasuní, Ecuador, and among the Achuar and Zio'bain peoples.