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The study finds that while inclusive power-sharing arrangements positively affect the proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments, they do not statistically increase women's empowerment in civil society, including their political participation, civil liberties, and civil society engagement. Using a country-year fixed effects model for 180 countries, the author argues that such institutions often provide an 'illusion of inclusion' by focusing on elite-level representation while failing to address grassroots gender inequalities.

The document argues that transport is a critical driver of development but a major source of emissions, accounting for 23% of energy-related CO2. It defines sustainable transport as safe, affordable, and efficient mobility that minimizes environmental impacts. The report details the evolution of international policy from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the Sustainable Development Goals, and provides examples of successful interventions, such as Jakarta's BRT system and various cities' shifts toward active mobility (cycling and walking). It specifically notes the COVID-19 pandemic as a catalyst for structural changes in urban transit, though it warns that 30 major economies continue to provide significant subsidies to fossil fuels over clean energy.

The author argues that South Africa's foreign policy for twenty-five years has often contradicted its own constitutional human rights principles, frequently shielding rights-abusing regimes to maintain an 'anti-imperialist' stance against the West. This is evidenced by its voting records on the UN Human Rights Council, where it historically supported authoritarian states and opposed investigations into human rights violations. However, the document notes a shift starting in 2019, with South Africa supporting investigations into Myanmar and Yemen, and showing renewed support for LGBTI rights reporting.

The document argues that conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has historically been overlooked in peace talks but must be integrated into every phase of the peace process. It emphasizes broadening the lens of victims to include men and boys, who face significant social stigma and service gaps. The briefing provides specific recommendations for early-stage agreements, ceasefire negotiations, Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR), Security Sector Reform (SSR), and transitional justice, highlighting the need for accountability, gender-sensitive security indicators, and recognition for children born of wartime sexual violence.

The document advises journalists to treat COP26 with urgency, framing coverage around the 1.5 C temperature goal, climate justice, and the political barriers to solutions. It emphasizes the need for advance coverage and the localization of global climate impacts to make the summit relevant to diverse audiences.

The GCF Board's 27th meeting resulted in the adoption of the Updated Strategic Plan (2020–2023), which sets goals for the first replenishment period (GCF-1), including a 50:50 balance between mitigation and adaptation funding. The Board approved 15 funding proposals, including several REDD-plus and Simplified Approval Process (SAP) projects, and accredited four new entities. The meeting also covered the 2021 administrative budget, work plans for independent units, and discussions on the Integrated Results Management Framework (IRMF) and the MOPAN assessment.

The report examines the tension between Ethiopian nationalists and ethno-nationalists, noting that while most agree on federalism, they disagree on its purpose. It analyzes three primary constitutional frameworks—consociationalism, centripetalism, and integration—and proposes five hybrid models to balance inclusion, moderation, and national cohesion. The author concludes that no single design is sufficient and recommends a negotiated blend of these mechanisms to ensure stability and protect individual and minority rights.

The policy brief examines how private sector development (PSD) in fragile states often exacerbates conflict by mirroring patronage politics and corruption. It argues that PSD should be treated as a continuation of peace negotiations, requiring broad-based social and political consensus on economic matters. The author recommends that the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) leverage its mandate to promote 'peace-positive' PSD, which prioritizes the reduction of horizontal inequalities, stimulates broad-based growth, and utilizes 'infrastructures for peace' to manage conflict risks. The brief suggests that companies should be treated as partners in peacebuilding, with their access to opportunities conditioned on their accountability for impacts.

The document argues that the creation of the African Union's Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security (DPAPS) was primarily a financial cost-cutting exercise rather than a strategic move toward integrated crisis response. It identifies critical gaps in coordination between the African Governance Architecture (AGA) and the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), noting a risk that military and reactive approaches will continue to be prioritized over political and preventive diplomacy. The authors recommend establishing standard operating procedures, creating a strategic coordination unit (possibly a Chief of Staff), and harmonizing funding instruments to ensure sustainable support for conflict prevention. Politically, the brief emphasizes the need for a clear legal definition of subsidiarity between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and increased engagement of the AUC Chairperson in Peace and Security Council (PSC) proceedings.

The Global Resilience Partnership (GRP), in collaboration with the UNDP and GEF, is seeking Expressions of Interest from organizations managing innovative finance mechanisms in fragile and conflict-prone regions. The initiative aims to support private sector solutions that address the 'triple threat' of COVID-19, climate change-induced extreme weather, and geopolitical instability. Selected organizations will receive grants, technical assistance from a multidisciplinary mentoring facility, and networking opportunities to improve the scale and effectiveness of their funds. Eligible mechanisms must be based in specific Least Developed Countries (LDCs), demonstrate a sustainable revenue model, and focus on the intersection of climate adaptation, food and water security, and disaster risk reduction.

The report examines the bioeconomy potential of Croton megalocarpus Hutch in Kenya through a case study of Eco Fuels Kenya (EFK). EFK has developed a circular value chain that transforms croton nuts into biofuel, poultry feed, organic fertilizer, and biopesticides, providing alternative income for over 5,000 subsistence farmers. While the model demonstrates success in gender inclusion and resource value-addition, it faces challenges from a lack of national bioeconomy policy, inadequate government incentives, and climate-related yield fluctuations.

The document advocates for a regional political approach to resolve instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the wider Great Lakes region. It highlights the opportunity presented by President Félix Tshisekedi's leadership to revitalize regional relations but warns that international actors must stop prioritizing regime stability over democratic institutions in countries like Rwanda and Uganda. A central driver of conflict is identified as a 'regional mafia' of military, political, and business actors from the DRC, Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi who profit from the illegal mineral trade, necessitating that any political dialogue explicitly address the illegal exploitation of natural resources.

A case study on the Farmer Managed Natural Regeneration (FMNR) project in Talensi, Ghana, detailing how a low-cost land restoration technique has improved soil fertility, increased crop yields, and enhanced the climate resilience of over 10,000 smallholder farmers.

The document analyzes the drivers of instability in the Great Lakes region, emphasizing that while the DRC's governance failures are often blamed, the political repression and economic interests of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi are equally significant. It highlights the role of illegal mineral extraction and the export of internal political conflicts into the eastern DRC. The author suggests that the presidency of Félix Tshisekedi provides an opportunity for a positive shift in regional dynamics, provided there is a fundamental reframing of the conflict narrative and a shift in international diplomatic approaches. The paper evaluates existing frameworks like the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework (PSCF) and recommends a high-level mediation process led by the African Union.

The briefing contends that peace in the Great Lakes region requires a shift from prioritizing regime stability to fostering sustainable democratic institutions and addressing the 'regional mafia' of actors profiting from illicit mineral trade. It suggests that the leadership of President Félix Tshisekedi in the DRC provides an opportunity to reinvigorate regional relations, provided the international community stops tolerating human rights violations in the name of stability.

The author warns that President Alassane Ouattara's decision to seek a third term in Côte d’Ivoire, based on the claim that the 2016 constitution reset the term counter, risks triggering instability similar to the 2000 and 2010/2011 crises. The text highlights a broader trend of 'third-term' attempts in Africa, citing examples in Guinea and Burundi, and calls on the AU and ECOWAS to treat such constitutional manipulations as unconstitutional changes of government.

The report contends that mainstream development models, which predict growth through a shift from agriculture to industrial manufacturing, have failed in Africa. It identifies five dynamic trends—climate change, rapid urbanisation, infrastructure deficits, epidemics/pandemics, and lawlessness—that interact to increase instability. These trends are exacerbated by three structural realities: pervasive informality, weak land management, and the proliferation of organised crime, often led by state actors. The authors argue that because the state is frequently compromised by criminal networks, development strategies should move away from state-centric models and instead focus on enhancing the resilience and resource control of local neighbourhoods and communities.

The document assesses the chronic instability in the Great Lakes region, specifically the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It argues that while governance failures in the DRC are often blamed, the repressive domestic policies and illicit economic interests of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi are equally significant drivers of conflict. The author suggests that the presidency of Félix Tshisekedi provides an opportunity to shift regional dynamics, provided the international community demands better governance from all regional actors and supports a comprehensive political dialogue rather than purely military solutions.

The report analyzes the 2018 HRC records of 13 African states, finding a general unwillingness to defend international human rights and a significant lack of unity in voting. Tunisia, Côte d’Ivoire, and Rwanda showed the strongest commitment, while Burundi, Egypt, and Ethiopia were the most opposed. The analysis highlights a discrepancy between domestic freedom ratings and HRC performance, noting that domestic records are weak predictors of how states vote on the Council.

The document analyzes the proliferation of counterfeit pharmaceuticals, which the WHO estimates constitute more than 50% of the global drug market. It highlights a severe crisis in Africa, where up to 70% of medicines in some countries like Nigeria are estimated to be counterfeit, leading to significant mortality from diseases like malaria. The brief discusses the role of high R&D costs and patents in creating market exclusivity that drives the poor toward cheaper, fake alternatives. It evaluates 'Track & Trace' technologies and international initiatives like IMPACT, while noting that weak enforcement and a lack of quality data hinder policy formulation. Finally, it explores pharmaceutical foreign direct investment (FDI) in the SADC region as a potential path toward legitimate market growth.