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The report examines urine diversion as a sustainable sanitation alternative that separates urine from faeces to facilitate nutrient recycling in agriculture. It details various implementation contexts, from rural areas in West Africa and China to urban settings in Sweden, and provides technical guidelines for toilets, piping, and storage. The document argues that urine diversion can reduce environmental pollution and provide low-cost fertilizer, though it notes challenges regarding pharmaceutical residues and the need for institutional mainstreaming.

The document analyzes the roots of the conflict in Côte d’Ivoire, tracing it from the death of President Felix Houphoüet-Boigny in 1993 to the 2002 rebel seizure of the north. It highlights the role of 'Ivoirité' in disenfranchising northerners and the failure of peace accords like Marcoussis and Accra II and III. The author argues that because all major political actors—including Laurent Gbagbo, Henri Konan Bédié, Alassane Ouattara, and Guillaume Soro—have acted in bad faith, they should be barred from politics in favor of an interim government and neutral election supervision.

The report analyzes the environmental vulnerability of West Africa, focusing on the interplay between poverty, environmental degradation, and natural hazards. It identifies key sensitivities in health, water availability, and food security, while detailing the diverse farming systems and urban livelihoods that shape resilience. The document emphasizes that vulnerability is exacerbated by social inequities, political conflict, and population growth, and argues for integrated poverty reduction strategies that prioritize diversification and adaptive capacity to mitigate the impacts of climate change and resource scarcity.

The report identifies Burkina Faso as highly vulnerable to climatic shocks, epidemics, and environmental degradation, with 44.5% of the population living below the absolute poverty line. It highlights the critical role of agriculture, particularly cotton, and the risks associated with rainfall variability and drought. The document details the sensitivity of vulnerable groups—especially women, children, and nomadic pastoralists—and examines migration as a key coping strategy. It concludes that reducing vulnerability requires integrated environmental management, improved food security, and targeted support for marginalized populations.

The report defines food security as food that is available at all times, accessible to all, nutritionally adequate, and culturally acceptable. It argues that while global food supply has generally kept pace with demand, food insecurity persists due to failures in distribution and individual access. The document evaluates four policy paths: food self-sufficiency (now largely seen as unrealistic), trade liberalization (which offers supply stability but can undermine local producers), food sovereignty (which emphasizes national policy autonomy and peasant rights), and multi-functional agriculture (which integrates environmental sustainability and non-commodity public values into farming). It concludes that a pragmatic, flexible approach is necessary to reconcile economic, social, and ecological objectives.

The report examines the 'cold peace' between Ethiopia and Eritrea after their 1998-2000 border war. While the Algiers Peace Accord ended active hostilities, the subsequent ruling by the Border Commission to award the symbolic town of Badme to Eritrea has created a political impasse. Ethiopia, influenced by the Tigray Regional State, has rejected the ruling as 'wrong and unjust,' leading to a stalemate in physical demarcation. The author argues that the international community's focus on technical demarcation is insufficient and that genuine political dialogue is required to address deep-seated mistrust and economic strains to avoid a return to war.

The document examines Africa's position within the Doha Development Agenda, emphasizing the critical need for agricultural reform to eliminate trade-distorting subsidies in the US and EU. It details the challenges African nations face, including supply-side constraints, high tariffs (tariff peaks and escalation), and limited negotiating capacity. The report advocates for strategic alliances with the Cairns Group and other developing nations, while highlighting specific legal challenges, such as the fight against cotton subsidies and the effort to secure access to generic medicines under TRIPS.

The report provides a geospatial analysis of the world's drylands, which cover approximately 40 percent of the global land area and support over two billion people. It evaluates the provision of ecosystem services including forage for livestock, food production, biodiversity conservation, freshwater, carbon storage, and energy. The analysis highlights that while drylands are often perceived as unproductive, they are critical for human survival, though they face significant threats from soil degradation, water scarcity, and human activities such as overgrazing and urbanization.

The document examines the management of the Samori forest in Baye, Mali, analyzing the roles of the state, the NGO SOS Sahel GB, and local communities. It concludes that while technical capacities have improved, the management is not 'democratic' because power remains centralized with the state and the NGO, with no downward accountability to local populations.

The research examines forest management in Baye Commune, Mali, focusing on the Samori Forest. It analyzes three management systems: a neo-traditional approach led by the NGO SOS Sahel, state-led management via the National Department of Nature Conservation, and the emerging but currently powerless Commune Council. The author concludes that none of these systems are 'democratic' because they lack downward accountability and real decision-making power for local populations. While SOS Sahel has improved technical capacities, its 'provoked participation' model remains dependent on the NGO and lacks social legitimacy. The state continues to maintain an autocratic monopoly over environmental resources despite legal frameworks suggesting a shift toward decentralization.

The document examines the 'peace pyramid' model of conflict management in Africa, where subregional organisations act as the base, the OAU as the linkage, and the UN as the apex. It argues that while subregional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC are often better motivated for intervention due to proximity, they lack institutionalised crisis management mechanisms and are built upon fragile states. The author suggests that effective regional security requires a focus on state-building, good governance, and the creation of permanent secretariats to ensure impartiality and reliability.

The Harare Declaration, adopted during the first African Conference on Debt and Development (AfCoDD) in August 2021, calls for a systemic overhaul of the global debt architecture to address the vulnerabilities of African nations. It highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty and debt burdens, potentially pushing 39 million Africans into extreme poverty. The document criticizes the current system for prioritizing creditor interests over social and environmental justice, noting a shift toward commercial bonds and a lack of transparency in debt contraction. To counter this, the declaration proposes the creation of an African Monitoring and Control Mechanism, a Monetary Fund, and an African Bank. It further advocates for a feminist approach to macroeconomics, a green recovery aligned with the AU's Agenda 2063, and the possibility of collective debt default to break the cycle of neoliberal dependency.

The document examines how rising debt burdens in Africa lead to austerity measures that compromise basic human rights, such as health and education. It highlights the success of previous debt relief initiatives like HIPC and MDRI while calling for a human rights-based approach to current debt management and the revamping of the G20 Common Framework.

The document examines how African public debt is rooted in colonial constructs and enforced through contract law, often perpetuating economic dependency. It analyzes the legal architecture at national and international levels, the various debt instruments used, and the systemic failures in transparency and accountability that lead to debt crises. The paper advocates for constitutional reforms, independent debt management offices, and a multilateral sovereign debt restructuring mechanism to ensure sustainable development and protect human rights.

The case study examines 'The Economics of Adaptation, Water Security and Climate Resilient Development in Africa' programme (2013-2015), which trained over 130 professionals across eight African nations. It highlights the effectiveness of combining professional workshops with mandatory Action Plans and mentor-mentee relationships to bridge the gap between training and implementation. Key outcomes included the integration of climate change into Tunisia's national planning terms of reference and the approval of a flood management project in Maputo, Mozambique.

The WACDEP capacity development programme (2012-2015) trained approximately 140 participants across eight African countries to identify and implement 'no/low regret' investments for water security. The programme emphasized national ownership, the use of local trainers, and the integration of training with active national policy processes. Key results included the enhancement of Burkina Faso's National Adaptation Planning process, the development of a funded urban flood management project in Maputo, Mozambique, and the revision of water and land planning Terms of Reference in Tunisia. The brief concludes that decentralised management and mentor-supported learning are critical for translating capacity building into tangible development outcomes.

The report details how over 500,000 tonnes of fish are diverted annually from West African coastal communities to produce FMFO for European and Asian aquaculture and livestock. It identifies Mauritania as the primary exporter, with a significant portion of its fish oil destined for the EU, particularly France and Denmark. The document links this trade to major European aquafeed companies and retailers, while highlighting the severe socio-economic impacts on local artisanal fishermen and women processors.

The document argues that the export of pesticides prohibited or not approved in Europe (EU, Switzerland, and the UK) to parties of the Bamako Convention in Africa and the Central American Agreement constitutes a violation of international law. It asserts that these substances are classified as hazardous waste under the national laws of importing countries and the terms of these regional agreements, thereby breaching the Basel Convention. Furthermore, the text claims that these exports violate international human rights obligations regarding the right to health. The analysis extends to other exporting nations like Canada, China, and Russia, concluding that all Basel Convention parties must immediately prohibit the export of such hazardous chemicals.

The document argues that exporting pesticides banned in their country of origin to Africa and Central America violates the Bamako Convention, the Central American Agreement, and the Basel Convention, as these substances are defined as hazardous waste by the importing nations. It asserts that European states and other Basel Convention parties (such as Canada, China, and Russia) are failing their international legal and human rights obligations by allowing this trade, which harms health and ecosystems in low- and middle-income countries.

The report argues that pesticides banned in their country of manufacture are classified as 'hazardous wastes' under the Bamako Convention and the Central American Agreement. Because many importing nations in Africa and Central America have monist legal systems or specific domestic laws incorporating these definitions, the report concludes that exporting such substances from Basel Convention parties (including the EU, UK, and Switzerland) violates the Basel Convention, international customary law, and the extraterritorial human rights obligation to protect the right to health.