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The report analyzes the tense pre-election environment in Benin as it approaches a critical electoral cycle in 2015 and 2016. It highlights the failure to update the permanent computerized electoral list (LEPI) as a primary technical bottleneck, while noting that political calculations by various actors have contributed to the postponement of local elections. The document examines the risk of President Thomas Boni Yayi attempting to extend his term through constitutional review, though it concludes that legal barriers from the Constitutional Court and public sentiment make a third term unlikely. It also notes the decline in the credibility of Beninese civil society and recommends that ECOWAS and international partners provide technical assistance and diplomatic pressure to ensure a peaceful transition of power.

The report examines the political impasse in Togo ahead of the 2015 elections, highlighting the failure to implement the 2006 Global Political Agreement. It details the dominance of the Union for the Republic (UNIR) party, the fragmentation of the opposition, and the perceived bias of electoral institutions. Additionally, it addresses underlying socio-economic tensions and the role of the international community in attempting to mediate the crisis.

The document analyzes the African Group's engagement at the UN Human Rights Council, noting a tension between a desire for regional leadership and a tendency to grant accused governments veto power over resolutions. While some 'human rights-friendly' states consistently support country-specific resolutions, others systematically abstain or oppose them, leading to an uneven response to crises across the continent and globally.

The document analyzes Côte d’Ivoire's efforts to relaunch its regional diplomacy under President Alassane Ouattara following two decades of instability. It highlights the country's economic strength as a primary asset and its goal to become an emerging economy by 2020. Key challenges include the need for security sector reform, national reconciliation, and the professionalization of its diplomatic corps to better align with the integration goals of ECOWAS and UEMOA.

The emergence of the Islamic State represents a significant shift in global jihadism, offering a divisive alternative to al-Qaeda. Africa is particularly vulnerable due to the presence of established radical Islamist groups and the potential return of thousands of battle-hardened African fighters from Iraq and Syria. The document warns that the Islamic State's model of territorial occupation and its extreme ideology could destabilise several African regions, particularly North and West Africa. It argues that governments should avoid draconian counter-terrorism measures, which often fuel radicalisation, and instead pursue criminal justice-based approaches that address local drivers of discontent.

The report examines the instability in Burkina Faso stemming from President Blaise Compaoré's efforts to amend Article 37 of the constitution to extend his presidency. It highlights a fragile socio-economic environment, a significant rift within the ruling Congrès pour la démocratie et le progrès (CDP) party leading to the creation of the Mouvement du people pour le progrès (MPP), and the potential for military intervention. The document notes that while the CDP remains the most powerful political force, the opposition and civil society have shown an unprecedented capacity for mobilization. Mediation efforts by domestic figures and Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara have largely failed due to a lack of trust and irreconcilable positions.

The paper argues that elections in Africa often trigger instability because they are primarily viewed as a means of accessing state resources. It suggests that stability requires 'inclusive political settlements' and a move away from 'electoral autocracy' where elections are used to consolidate power. The author emphasizes the need for credible Election Management Bodies (EMBs), legitimate domestic observation, and inclusive mediation mechanisms involving civil society and traditional leaders to prevent violence.

The paper examines why elections in Africa often trigger violence and fail to legitimise power, attributing this to high stakes regarding access to state resources. It argues that technical fixes are insufficient and that stability requires inclusive political settlements, credible election management bodies (EMBs), and robust domestic observation and mediation systems involving civil society and traditional leaders.

The study finds that soil and water conservation (SWC) and small reservoir expansion increased significantly in northern Burkina Faso, particularly in regions receiving 700 mm of rainfall or less. While regional cereal yields rose by approximately 3% per year, and rice productivity showed a strong correlation with reservoir expansion, the causal links to poverty reduction and food security are less clear due to data limitations. The report suggests that AWM adoption is one of many factors contributing to livelihood improvements and requires further long-term analysis to establish definitive causality.

The document outlines a collaborative project using the SEI nexus toolkit—integrating the Water Evaluation and Planning (WEAP) and Long-range Energy Alternatives Planning (LEAP) systems—to analyze trade-offs and synergies in Ethiopia's upper Blue Nile region. Initial findings indicate that while increased irrigation can reduce water for hydropower and the environment, optimized dam operations can meet both energy and environmental goals. Additionally, the study highlights a link between energy transitions and agriculture, noting that shifting away from traditional biomass could improve soil productivity.

The report argues that GM crops are an extension of an unsustainable industrial agricultural model that benefits a few multinational corporations while harming smallholder farmers and the environment. It highlights the failure of herbicide-tolerant and insect-resistant traits to reduce pesticide use, the emergence of resistant weeds and pests, and the socio-economic risks of seed monopolies. The document advocates for agroecology as a sustainable, farmer-led alternative to tackle hunger and malnutrition.

The document argues that GM crops are an extension of a pesticide-dependent industrial agriculture model that fails to address hunger and harms the environment. It highlights that over 99% of GM crops are herbicide-tolerant or insect-resistant, leading to increased pesticide use and the emergence of resistant weeds and pests. The report notes significant public and political resistance in Europe and Asia, and warns of the monopolistic power of six biotech giants over the global seed market. As an alternative, it advocates for agroecology and food sovereignty to ensure sustainable food systems and support small-scale farmers.

The document argues that the GM crop industry is based on myths, noting that nearly 99% of current GM crops are designed for herbicide tolerance or insect resistance rather than nutrition or climate adaptation. It highlights that GM crops have led to increased agrotoxic use due to weed and insect resistance, particularly in North and South America, and have caused negative environmental impacts, such as the decline of the monarch butterfly. The report also notes the market monopoly held by six multinational companies and the financial burden on small farmers. It concludes that agroecology is a more sustainable and effective solution for food security and hunger than GM technology.

The document assesses various voluntary guidelines, principles, and financing mechanisms designed to mitigate the negative impacts of 'land grabs' and promote sustainable rural development. It highlights the roles of the Committee on World Food Security, the African Union, the World Bank, and the OECD, while noting that the primary challenge remains translating these voluntary principles into concrete national reforms and genuine support for small-scale farmers.

The document assesses the international response to the increase in agricultural land and water investments following the 2008 food crisis. It details various voluntary guidelines and principles established by intergovernmental bodies, international organizations, and the private sector, while also examining financial mechanisms designed to support smallholder farmers. The author notes that while a consensus exists on the need for responsible investment, most frameworks remain voluntary and lack enforcement mechanisms.

The document argues that internal armed conflict acts as 'development in reverse,' creating a 'conflict trap' where low development leads to war, which further degrades socio-economic conditions. Research by PRIO indicates that conflict detrimentally affects most MDG indicators, including GDP per capita, infant mortality, and access to potable water. Notably, the indirect effects of conflict—such as the destruction of health infrastructure and diversion of resources to military spending—can be as severe as direct battlefield casualties. The authors advocate for the UN General Assembly to make conflict reduction an explicit goal in the post-2015 development agenda to break this cycle.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 under NEPAD, is a voluntary governance assessment system where African states evaluate their own political, economic, and corporate governance. By 2013, 33 states had acceded, with 17 completing their first review. The mechanism utilizes a process of self-assessment, expert missions, and high-level peer review to identify deficiencies and implement National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). While the APRM has successfully expanded democratic space and fostered a common governance vocabulary, it faces challenges in integrating NPoAs into national budgets and ensuring consistent high-level oversight of implementation.

The document outlines that Africa is experiencing significant warming and increased extreme weather, which threatens food security, health, and economic growth. It argues that while Africa has contributed little to historic emissions, it is highly vulnerable and must integrate adaptation and mitigation into long-term development planning. Key opportunities for the region include adopting decentralized renewable energy, implementing conservation agriculture, and planning low-carbon urban growth to avoid fossil fuel lock-in.

The document outlines SEI's interdisciplinary approach to the water-energy-food nexus, emphasizing the need to integrate cross-sectoral interactions, ecosystem services, and multi-scale governance. It highlights the use of analytical tools like WEAP and LEAP to identify synergies and trade-offs in resource management. SEI advocates for participatory processes and the identification of policy 'entry points' to ensure scientific research translates into practical, sustainable solutions for resource scarcity.

The document warns that Togo faces a potential election crisis if the 2006 Global Political Agreement (GPA) reforms are not consensually implemented. Despite dialogue led by Archbishop Nicodème Barrigah and US Ambassador Robert Whitehead, fundamental disputes remain over the composition of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), electoral boundaries, the voting system, and presidential term limits. The July 2013 parliamentary elections exacerbated tensions, as the ruling Union for the Republic (UNIR) won an absolute majority of 62 out of 91 seats despite receiving fewer total votes (880,000) than the combined opposition (900,000). The author argues that without urgent intervention from national actors and international facilitators like Burkina Faso's President Blaise Compaoré, the opposition may resort to street protests.