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The report analyzes 57 SEI projects from 2010-2021, finding a heavy concentration in circular bioeconomy, solid waste, and water management, primarily in Europe and Asia. It identifies critical knowledge gaps in impact assessment, just transition, business models, and consumer behavior, recommending a shift toward higher-priority circularity strategies (refuse and rethink) and transdisciplinary, multi-stakeholder collaborations.

The editorial calls for the European Union to provide material and humanitarian support to Ukraine and to intensify sanctions, specifically targeting the financial system and energy ties, in response to the Russian invasion.

The government of Benin and the BCEAO responded to COVID-19 with expansionary monetary and fiscal policies, including cash transfers, subsidies, and increased liquidity for banks and the agricultural sector. While these measures stimulated aggregate demand and supported food security, the expansion of the money supply led to higher consumer price inflation, which threatened real household incomes. The brief recommends transitioning to contractionary monetary policy during periods of economic growth to curb inflation and better targeting future fiscal spending toward vulnerable households and hard-hit sectors like hospitality and industry to maximize the fiscal multiplier effect.

This report by the Climate Policy Initiative outlines the climate finance landscape in Kenya, identifying a significant funding gap and a disproportionate flow of resources toward mitigation rather than adaptation. It proposes three innovative financial blueprints—the African Conservancies Fund, the Chyulu Hills Payment for Ecosystem Services, and the Green Village Savings and Loans Association—designed to mobilize private capital for underfunded adaptation sectors.

The document outlines the escalating impacts of human-induced climate change on humans and ecosystems, emphasizing that the most marginalized populations are hit hardest. It highlights the role of 'attribution literature' in linking extreme weather to human activity and discusses the critical need for transformative adaptation and nature-based solutions. The briefing warns that the costs of inaction far exceed those of mitigation and adaptation, noting significant GDP losses in vulnerable nations and the potential for mass migration and biodiversity loss.

The commentary assesses the challenges of the African Union (AU) and European Union (EU) partnership, noting that while common interests exist, translating them into impact remains difficult. It calls for a shift from a donor-recipient model to one based on African ownership and private sector engagement. Key areas for cooperation include a just green transition that supports African industrialisation, coordinated health systems for local pharmaceutical manufacturing, and technical support for the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The authors emphasize that the EU must recognize global climate injustice and provide sufficient financing to ensure African economies benefit from the green transition.

The briefing outlines critical areas of focus for Africa in 2022, including democratic transitions in eighteen countries, the management of military coups in states like Mali and Sudan, and the fight against terrorism in regions such as the Lake Chad Basin. It highlights Africa's priorities for COP27, specifically the need for climate finance, technology transfer, and a just transition that supports industrialisation. Additionally, it examines the evolution of China-Africa relations following the FOCAC Ministerial Meeting and the potential impact of China's debt on Kenya's elections.

The report identifies a significant financing gap in Kenya's climate response, noting that while renewable energy is well-funded, adaptation sectors like water, forestry, and food security are underserved. To address this, it proposes three market-based instruments: the African Conservancies Fund (ACF) for wildlife and tourism, the Chyulu Hills Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) for watershed protection, and the Green Village Savings and Loans Association (GVSLA) for community-level resilience. The document emphasizes the role of blended finance and concessional funding in the early stages of these projects to mitigate risk and attract private investors.

Nigeria faces severe developmental challenges including endemic corruption, insecurity, and an overdependence on oil exports. Projections indicate that without intervention, Nigeria will have the highest number of poor people globally by 2050. The report proposes a 'Super Nigeria' scenario combining improvements in governance, human capital, infrastructure, agriculture, and economic diversification to potentially make Nigeria the fifth largest economy globally by 2050.

The document argues that SADC countries face a significant infrastructure deficit and institutional weaknesses that hinder regional integration and economic recovery. It proposes the adoption of 'anticipatory governance' and a shift toward green, inclusive, and digitally enabled infrastructure to move away from national protectionism and fossil-fuel dependency. Using a STEEPV framework, the authors outline various future scenarios—ranging from 'SADC Solarpunk' (desirable) to 'Deep Collusion' (undesirable)—to stress-test current strategies and advocate for innovative blended financing and regional cooperation via the AfCFTA.

The document analyzes Russia's use of 'soft power' in Africa, highlighting the role of state-owned outlets like RT and Sputnik in promoting anti-Western narratives. It details the transition from traditional media to digital influence campaigns, including the use of 'troll farms' and local proxies to sow division and build pro-Russian sentiment. The report specifically examines the Central African Republic as a case study of 'hybrid warfare,' where digital campaigns are combined with on-the-ground activities such as film production and the financing of local radio. While these efforts aim to project an image of Russia as a major power, the document notes they are conducted on a limited budget and face increasing detection by tech companies.

The Stockholm Environment Institute argues that current global efforts are inadequate, highlighting a significant 'production gap' where fossil fuel plans exceed 1.5°C limits. The report emphasizes the need for 'just resilience' in adaptation, the urgent requirement for dedicated loss and damage financing, and the necessity of aligning financial flows with low-emission pathways while ensuring equity for developing nations.

The Centre for Environmental Rights, on behalf of the Life After Coal Campaign, submits a formal objection to the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy's draft Gas Master Plan Basecase Report. The submission argues that the plan is 'reckless and unnecessary', contradicting South Africa's constitutional obligations to protect citizens from climate change and ignoring energy modelling that suggests gas-to-power is not required for energy security.

The author examines why most African countries have failed to ratify the 2018 Free Movement of Persons protocol despite its potential to boost trade, investment, and living standards. While small or poorer nations like Benin and Seychelles have adopted liberal visa policies, larger and wealthier states remain hesitant due to fears of economic competition and xenophobic political mobilization. To break this logjam, the author suggests clarifying the implementation roadmap, linking free movement to free trade processes, improving civil registration and identity systems, and encouraging progress through smaller regional or ad hoc groupings.

The document traces the history of international efforts to combat land degradation, from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the establishment of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD). It details the shift toward 'land degradation neutrality' (LDN), a goal integrated into SDG target 15.3, which aims to balance productive land loss with recovery. The paper identifies critical barriers to LDN implementation, including insecure land tenure, gender inequality in land ownership, lack of national coordination, and insufficient funding, while highlighting initiatives like the Great Green Wall and the LDN Fund.

Climate change is intensifying risks of violent conflict across Africa by aggravating food and water insecurity, driving human displacement, and increasing competition over natural resources. The document highlights specific crises, such as the shrinking of Lake Chad and farmer-herder conflicts in the Sahel and Horn of Africa, to illustrate how environmental stressors exacerbate existing vulnerabilities. It calls for the integration of climate-sensitive planning into peacekeeping, reconstruction, and development efforts, emphasizing nature-based solutions and climate-resilient agriculture as key to strengthening resilience and security.

The report argues that African states must transition from being 'junior partners' in global cyber diplomacy to active participants by developing common continental positions and leveraging their demographic position as a future technology market. It highlights the risks of 'norm colonisation' from cyber superpowers and the vulnerability of fragile democracies to information warfare. The author recommends that the African Union recruit 'cyber champions' from digitally mature states and uncouple trade negotiations from cyber diplomacy to ensure a unified approach to digital governance and security.

The document argues that Africa is well-positioned to become a major global hub for green hydrogen due to its abundant renewable energy potential, strategic location, and existing infrastructure. It examines global strategies from the EU, Australia, and Chile, and highlights specific projects in South Africa, Namibia, Mauritania, and Morocco. The authors recommend that the G20 provide targeted financing for infrastructure, facilitate technology transfers for local value addition, and help establish stable offtake agreements and harmonised regulatory standards to prevent deepening energy insecurity in Africa.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) responds to a 2021 external review that found the organization achieved 71% of its 2018-2022 strategic targets. WRI commits to improving its monitoring and evaluation systems, increasing flexible funding, and deepening the integration of poverty, gender, and social equity (PGSE) into its operations. The organization plans to create new senior roles to enhance strategic alignment and global network performance, while balancing high-quality research with the urgency of climate action.

The document examines the integration of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in Africa, highlighting a tension between the continent's role as a provider of raw materials and labour and its dependence on foreign AI technologies from the Global North and China. It identifies significant risks associated with AI adoption, including the misuse of biometric digital IDs in Namibia and South Africa, the deployment of facial recognition for surveillance in Uganda and South Africa, and the exploitation of vulnerable populations through 'click work' in Kenyan refugee camps. The author analyses emerging national AI strategies in Egypt, Mauritius, and Rwanda, as well as the SMARTAfrica Blueprint, noting that while these frameworks address infrastructure and talent, they often overlook the labour rights of gig workers and the specific impact of automation on women. The brief evaluates the potential for policy transfer from the EU, specifically the AI Act and GDPR, warning that such frameworks may not account for African socio-economic rights or the technical constraints of local start-ups. It concludes by recommending that African policymakers focus on building inclusive digital infrastructure, fostering regional cooperation for data sharing, and implementing beneficiation frameworks to ensure local communities profit from the data used to train AI systems.