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The report argues that climate change will increasingly exacerbate risks to US national security by intensifying physical impacts and mounting geopolitical tensions over the energy transition. It identifies a likely increase in cross-border conflicts over water and migration, strategic competition in the Arctic, and the risk of unilateral solar geoengineering. The document highlights 11 highly vulnerable countries and two regions (Central Africa and Pacific island states) where climate-induced instability may necessitate increased US diplomatic, humanitarian, and military resources. It also notes that current global policies are insufficient to meet Paris Agreement goals, leading to competition over critical minerals and technologies.

The document examines the 'hunger-climate-conflict nexus,' where food insecurity acts as a 'threat multiplier' for instability. It argues that while military forces have historically played ad-hoc support roles in humanitarian aid, the increasing frequency of climate-driven food crises necessitates a shift in military training, doctrine, and interagency coordination. The author highlights barriers to this transition, including the risk of 'over-securitisation' and existing institutional silos between defence and development agencies, while specifically noting the implications for the Irish Defence Forces regarding peacekeeping and domestic disaster response.

The document outlines mandatory conditions and recommendations for multiple GCF funding proposals across various countries. General conditions for all proposals include the signing of a funded activity agreement (FAA) and completion of legal due diligence. Specific conditions target projects in Afghanistan (mini-grid market governance), Colombia (REDD+ emission reductions), Ghana (sustainability of shea landscapes), Sudan (conflict analysis and water infrastructure), and others. Recommendations from the independent Technical Advisory Panel (TAP) focus on quality assurance in Indonesia, policy advocacy in Nepal, and gender-inclusive decision-making in Sudan.

The report examines the escalation of extremist activity in southern Africa, highlighting the dual threats of far-right militancy and Islamist insurgency. It details the specific security challenges in South Africa, including the activities of the National Christian Resistance Movement and IS-linked cells, and provides an in-depth analysis of the insurgency in northern Mozambique. The author argues that the Mozambican conflict is fueled by transnational criminal networks, including human smuggling and the heroin trade, and criticizes the slow, bureaucratic responses of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU). The document concludes with recommendations for integrated national strategies, improved inter-agency collaboration, and a shift toward preventative governance to address the root causes of extremism.

The HKH-Innovation Challenge for Entrepreneurs (ICE) is a competition targeting for-profit organisations in Bhutan, Bangladesh, India, and Nepal to develop scalable solutions for climate resilience, water security, and sustainable tourism. Selected winners will receive cash prizes between USD 5,000 and 25,000, alongside mentoring, leadership training, and investment mobilisation support to implement their projects over a nine-month period ending in December 2025.

The HKH-Innovation Challenge for Entrepreneurs (ICE) 2.0, led by the Global Resilience Partnership (GRP) and ICIMOD, seeks for-profit innovations to enhance climate resilience in the Hindu Kush Himalaya. The program targets 12-15 enterprises, with a priority on youth- and women-led businesses, offering prizes between US$5,000 and $25,000 for implementation from May 1, 2026, to April 31, 2027. Selected winners receive a comprehensive support package including tailored mentoring, a Leadership Academy in Kathmandu, investment mobilisation assistance, and monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) support. Eligible applicants must be legally registered in Bhutan, Nepal, India (Himalayan region), or Bangladesh (Chittagong Hill Tracts) and demonstrate a viable business model that promotes biodiversity and social equity without causing harm.

The Global Resilience Partnership (GRP) is launching the TECH 4 Resilience Challenge to identify and scale AI innovations that enhance humanitarian preparedness and response to climate shocks. The initiative targets entrepreneurs and organisations operating in low- and middle-income countries, offering winners up to US$50,000 in funding, alongside mentoring, a virtual Leadership Academy, and investment mobilisation support. Eligible solutions must address extreme climate events or strengthen Anticipatory Action frameworks, with a priority on locally led innovations benefiting women and youth. The challenge opens on 1 August 2025, with final winners announced in November/December 2025 for implementation throughout 2026.

The paper examines the systemic vulnerabilities of pastoralists, who manage approximately 25 percent of the world's land area. It argues that conflict in these regions is driven by a combination of ecological shocks, the encroachment of agricultural frontiers, and the political marginalization of herding communities by state governments. Using a sustainable livelihoods framework, the authors identify threats to natural, financial, physical, human, social, and political capital. The document concludes that technical interventions alone are insufficient; sustainable peace requires integrating pastoralists into wider societal and political structures, protecting their mobility and resource access, and empowering their political representation.

The IISD program on Environment, Conflict and Peacebuilding investigates the links between environmental change, natural resource governance, and human security to support conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction. The program employs a three-pillar approach consisting of research, policy, and practice, which includes analyzing emerging threats, promoting policy mechanisms to address root causes of insecurity, and training practitioners in conflict-sensitive programming. Specific project examples include assessing climate change threats in the Jordan River basin, analyzing Canada's security agenda regarding the Arctic and energy sources, and advising UN agencies on integrating environmental management into peacebuilding.

The briefing examines the paradigm of humanitarian intervention and the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P) in post-cold war Africa. The author contends that these interventions often fail to address deep-seated inequalities and may inadvertently prolong conflicts by creating truces that allow weaker parties to rearm. The text suggests that non-intervention—allowing a conflict to reach a military conclusion—or targeted political and credible protection missions may be more effective alternatives for achieving durable peace.

This report summarizes a seminar held on October 17, 2008, at the United Nations Conference Center regarding the implications of the 2008 US Presidential Election for Africa. The event featured presentations by Dr. Steven Erkovich and Dr. Joseph Vincent Ebode, who analyzed US foreign policy motivations, the specific propositions of candidates Barack Obama and John McCain, and the strategic rationale behind Obama's candidacy.

The report analyzes UN discourse on small arms and light weapons (SALW) from 2001 to 2003, concluding that gender perspectives remain marginalized. The authors find that when gender is mentioned, women are almost exclusively characterized as passive victims, while the specific impacts on men and the active roles of women as peace-builders are largely ignored. While NGOs and international organizations demonstrate a more nuanced understanding of gender, member state delegations often lack expertise or prioritize other issues. The document recommends bridging the gap between gender experts and policymakers through targeted education and coordinated advocacy to ensure that the 2006 Review Conference on SALW reflects the diverse experiences of both men and women.

The author warns that a hasty reduction in international civilian aid to Afghanistan could undermine a decade of progress in education, health, and media. While security transitions and political leadership changes dominate the agenda, the author emphasizes that the 'economic transition' is critical. The document highlights that achievements in school enrollment and health are fragile due to poor quality and lack of maintenance funds. It further notes that while a media revolution and a growing civil society provide a platform for reform, these are vulnerable to conservative forces and a lack of resources. The author concludes that predictable aid is necessary to consolidate these gains and prevent reform-minded groups from being marginalized by warlords and powerbrokers.

The research paper analyzes how the AKP government transitioned Turkey's role in Syria from a projected 'humanitarian superpower' to a state focused on national security. It examines the tension between 'humanitarian diplomacy'—which emphasizes Islamic identity and solidarity—and the 'securitisation' of Kurdish autonomy in Northern Syria. The author argues that Turkey's foreign policy is deeply linked to its domestic political shift toward authoritarianism and the need to appease nationalist allies, ultimately prioritizing state security over human security.

The research argues that external states often intervene in civil wars to pursue objectives separate from those of internal combatants, which makes conflicts harder to resolve. Using Cox regressions on data from 1945 to 2004, the author finds that 'independent interventions' significantly increase war duration compared to 'non-independent' interventions. This is attributed to the introduction of additional demands that shrink the bargaining range, the difficulty of updating beliefs in multi-party conflicts, and the lower costs of fighting for external states compared to domestic actors.

The report argues that civil war is 'development in reverse,' creating a 'conflict trap' where poverty and institutional failure increase the risk of war, and war further degrades development. It identifies three rings of adverse effects: internal civilian suffering, regional spillovers (such as arms races and disease), and global costs (including drug trafficking and terrorism). The authors find that civil war is increasingly concentrated in 'marginalized' low-income countries and those in the conflict trap. To combat this, the report proposes a policy package including improved aid timing, transparent natural resource governance, and coordinated military-development sequencing in postconflict decades.

The report finds that 2025 was the third most violent year since 1989, with 245,000 battle-related deaths. It highlights a record high of 65 state-based conflicts and a concerning doubling of international conflicts to eight in 2025. While non-state conflicts decreased slightly, one-sided violence surged to 76,500 fatalities, primarily driven by massacres in Sudan.

The Afghan Peace and Reintegration Program (APRP), launched in late 2010, has achieved limited results due to rushed implementation, poor coordination, and the absence of a coherent political strategy. While designed to entice low-level insurgents with security and jobs, the program has struggled with slow fund disbursement, inadequate vetting, and a failure to provide genuine security for reintegrees. A significant portion of those reintegrated are from northern and western provinces and may not be genuine insurgents. Furthermore, the tendency to enroll reintegrees in the Afghan Local Police (ALP) may exacerbate local rivalries rather than foster peace. The author argues that reintegration cannot succeed as a standalone military tool and must be embedded in a broader reconciliation process that addresses high-level leadership and systemic grievances.

The report argues that formal education systems can either fuel or mitigate armed conflict depending on their inclusivity, quality, and relationship with the community. Through case studies in Guatemala, Nepal, and Liberia, the author identifies four conflict-transforming concepts: equitable inclusion, positive socialization, the creation of social capital, and the provision of socio-economic benefits. The study finds that educational exclusion and authoritarian teaching methods often mirror and reinforce the structural inequalities that drive conflict, while participatory, child-centered education and equitable resource distribution can raise the opportunity costs of joining rebellions and foster a culture of non-violence. The report recommends that national governments and international donors integrate education into peacebuilding processes, prioritize social justice in curricula, and better link schooling to the labor market to ensure that education provides tangible hope and economic mobility.

The research examines the determinants of external state support for rebel groups using a new dataset of 403 organizations. It argues that support is not merely a function of the civil war's general characteristics but depends on the specific attributes of the rebel group and the international relations of the target state. The findings indicate that moderately strong groups with transnational constituencies are most likely to receive aid, particularly when the target state is involved in an international rivalry or receives its own external support. Conversely, very strong or very weak groups, and those in democratic states, are less likely to be supported.