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The report analyzes the Zona Franca de Manaus (ZFM), noting that while it is named a 'free trade zone', it functions more like an 'enterprise zone' by focusing on regional development and local employment rather than international trade. The authors argue that current tax incentives have not significantly improved productivity or wages, with 59% of employees earning up to two minimum wages in 2019. The document recommends redefining the ZFM's identity and linking tax benefits to local hiring quotas, education, infrastructure reinvestment, and sustainable activities that leverage the Amazon biome's comparative advantages.

The document examines nuclear developments in Algeria, Egypt, and Libya, noting that while all three operate research reactors for medical and industrial use, their ambitions for nuclear power plants vary. Egypt is the most advanced, currently constructing four reactors at Al Dabaa with Russian support. Algeria and Libya have expressed long-term interests in nuclear energy, though these remain largely discursive or stalled by political instability and cost. The author argues that these pursuits are often driven by 'techno-nationalist' prestige rather than purely economic or environmental needs, especially given the viability of solar energy and the region's water scarcity.

The Botswana APRM Popular Sensitisation (BAPS) Project, a collaboration between the Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO) and the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), culminated in the April 20, 2021, launch of a civil society submission to the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The project identified 12 key governance issues, including human rights, sustainable development, and food security, and sought to ensure the voices of marginalised groups—such as the LGBTQI+ community and indigenous communities—were included. Government representatives indicated that the submission's recommendations would inform Botswana's constitutional review process.

The Philippines has adopted a comprehensive national strategy for a just transition, primarily through the 2016 Green Jobs Act (RA 10771), which provides financial incentives for businesses to create decent, environmentally beneficial employment. Supported by the International Labour Organization (ILO), the country piloted just transition guidelines from 2016 to 2017, establishing inter-agency cooperation and social dialogue mechanisms. While the framework is strong, challenges remain regarding worker protections, barriers to green business technology, and low public awareness of climate change.

The report identifies 12 governance challenges in Botswana, noting that while the country has a history of good governance, it now faces rising corruption and a lack of accountability. Key areas of concern include the marginalisation of smaller parties and women/youth due to the First Past the Post electoral system, poor public service performance resulting from a lack of comprehensive decentralisation policy, and economic exclusion where many citizens remain below the poverty line despite national growth. The submission recommends a Mixed Member Proportional Representation system, the creation of a national action plan on human rights, and the development of a written overarching foreign policy framework centered on the economy.

The report positions urban centers as critical drivers for climate leadership and economic recovery, specifically examining Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Mexico, and South Africa to propose pathways for inclusive and climate-resilient futures.

The author traces the trajectory of Polish green politics, noting an initial wave of activism in the 1980s that faded during the post-1989 transition due to economic hardship and a pro-modernization discourse. After a period of political marginalization and the formation of the Green party (Zieloni) in 2004, green issues gained traction as a field of political contestation under the Law and Justice (PiS) government. By 2019, green politics achieved a breakthrough, with the Greens entering parliament as part of a coalition with Civic Platform (PO), though this raises concerns about potential ideological assimilation and greenwashing.

The paper explores the concept of Buen Vivir, rooted in indigenous Latin American paradigms, and its potential as an alternative to the anthropocentric and growth-based models of development prevalent in Europe. It highlights the tension between Buen Vivir and the 'Green Economy' or 'European Green Deal', arguing that while the latter seeks to 'decouple' growth from resource use, Buen Vivir rejects the logic of infinite economic growth entirely. The authors note that while official EU-Latin American diplomatic recognition of Buen Vivir has been limited and largely stagnant since a 2015 resolution, local-level initiatives in European cities—such as Amsterdam—and countries like Spain and Greece are increasingly adopting practices aligned with Buen Vivir, including agroecology, local currencies, and the promotion of the 'commons'.

The document examines the New Development Bank's (NDB) approach to information disclosure and grievance redressal for infrastructure projects in the global South, with a focus on South Africa. It highlights a systemic lack of public access to critical project documentation, including risk assessments, management plans, and the Country Partnership Plan. While the NDB's Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) delegates implementation and grievance redressal to clients, the document argues that this creates gaps in accountability and transparency.

The New Development Bank (NDB) emphasizes the use of 'country systems' for project implementation, which shifts the primary responsibility for environmental and social assessments, consultations, and grievance mechanisms to the client. However, the Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) finds that critical project documentation—including risk assessments, management plans, and Country Partnership Plans (CPP)—is not publicly available. While the NDB has its own Information Disclosure Policy (IDP), there is ambiguity regarding its susceptibility to South Africa's Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA), as the NDB's Africa Regional Center has indicated it is not subject to such legislation. The report highlights a lack of transparency in the NDB's decision-making processes and recommends that all project and policy information be made accessible via the NDB website to ensure accountability.

The COVID-19 pandemic negatively impacted Indonesia's energy efficiency sector, leading to postponed projects and reduced revenue for facility managers. While business managers and facility managers remain optimistic about long-term recovery, they maintain conservative revenue projections for 2021-2022 due to economic uncertainty. The report highlights a critical need for government intervention, specifically through bank loan interest reductions, tax deductions, and the use of National Economic Recovery (PEN) funds to stimulate demand for energy efficiency projects in both public and private sectors.

The study assesses the economic, socio-political, and environmental impacts of Newmont Goldcorp's operations in the Ahafo area of Ghana. It finds that while the 'resource curse' is not evident—with increased local government revenues and improved income levels—challenges remain regarding income instability, youth unemployment, and lack of transparency in the use of mineral royalties. Environmentally, the report notes that Newmont's reclamation and afforestation efforts have led to a net increase in closed forest cover between 2010 and 2020, contrasting with pre-mining deforestation trends.

The report evaluates Botswana's governance across 12 thematic areas, including human rights, separation of powers, and sustainable development. While acknowledging Botswana's global reputation for stability and economic management, it highlights systemic failures such as high gender-based violence, a lack of true separation between the Executive and Parliament, and significant economic inequality. It recommends structural reforms to the electoral system, the decentralisation of public services, and the establishment of a National Human Rights Institution to ensure more inclusive and accountable governance.

The document analyzes the evolving economic relationship between Africa and China, highlighting a trade imbalance where Africa primarily exports raw commodities and imports manufactured goods. It suggests that the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and Special Economic Zones (SEZs) can attract Chinese foreign direct investment to boost local manufacturing. While China is a primary source of infrastructure funding via the Belt and Road Initiative, the report notes concerns over debt sustainability, though it argues these are often tainted by geopolitics. Finally, it discusses the opportunities and risks of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR), urging African nations to harmonize regulations and improve digital infrastructure to avoid a widening digital divide.

The author analyzes how neoliberalism and the 'tertiarization' of the Spanish economy—specifically the dominance of tourism—have fueled regional inequalities and the rise of peripheral nationalisms. The text argues that the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these tensions by exposing the fragility of the tourism-dependent model. To mitigate future conflicts and the impacts of climate change, the author proposes a transition toward a 'degrowth' model, emphasizing the revival of organic agriculture in the interior, the promotion of green industries, and the potential reorganization of Spain into a federal state.

The document highlights that India's rapid urbanisation leads to the neglect of peri-urban ecosystems—transitional zones between rural and urban areas—resulting in environmental degradation and increased vulnerability to climate change. It argues that these ecosystems are vital for climate resilience but suffer from governance challenges due to unclear administrative boundaries. The brief suggests that an integrated management approach could bridge the rural-urban divide through decentralised, local governance and district-level planning involving multiple stakeholders.

The IISD welcomes Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala as the first woman and first African to lead the WTO, noting her diverse experience in finance, health, and development. The organization identifies critical early priorities for her term, including fisheries subsidies and humanitarian food aid exemptions, while advocating for a trade system that supports sustainable development and the SDGs in a post-COVID reality.

The document examines the historical evolution of poverty definitions and the growing recognition of the link between poverty and environmental degradation. It highlights how climate change, conflict, and the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbate systemic inequalities and push millions into poverty. The author argues that current global systems cannot provide acceptable living standards for all without exceeding planetary boundaries unless the wealthiest 10% of the population reduce their excessive resource consumption. The briefing recommends that governments shift from GDP-focused economic indicators to national wellbeing indices that incorporate the environment and marginalized groups.

The document analyzes the private sector's complex relationship with sustainable development, noting a history of corporate disinformation and lobbying against environmental regulations. It identifies three primary modes of engagement: active obstruction, partnership with governments to implement Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and the emergence of 'Sustainability-Oriented Hybrid Organizations' (SOHOs) that prioritize regenerative equity over profit. The author argues that while impact investing and 'greening' existing systems are valuable, they may be insufficient to achieve absolute decoupling of growth from emissions, recommending that policymakers support systemic transformations and SOHOs.

The document examines the intersection of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the Paris Agreement, and the Sendai Framework on Disaster Risk Reduction, using Germany as a case study to identify mechanisms for integrated policy making. It argues that while coherence is recognized as valuable, practical implementation remains a challenge due to a lack of research on enabling factors. The study identifies six good practices from the German experience, emphasizing that coherence requires strong political will and the involvement of all administrative levels, though it notes there is no universal approach to institutional coherence.