Search Climate Insights Directory

The document examines the New Development Bank's (NDB) approach to information disclosure and grievance redressal for infrastructure projects in the global South, with a focus on South Africa. It highlights a systemic lack of public access to critical project documentation, including risk assessments, management plans, and the Country Partnership Plan. While the NDB's Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) delegates implementation and grievance redressal to clients, the document argues that this creates gaps in accountability and transparency.

The document reports that infrastructure is responsible for 9-17% of tropical and subtropical deforestation, while mining contributes to approximately 7% of global forest loss. Data from CDP's forest module indicates that while many regional governments have forest policies, there is a lack of operational management plans and risk assessments. The most frequently reported impact of mining and infrastructure-related forest loss is increased greenhouse gas emissions, which governments attempt to manage through integrated land-use planning, afforestation, and policy enforcement. Case studies highlight the Piura Region in Peru, where mining has driven deforestation and indigenous displacement, and New York State, where infrastructure and agriculture are primary drivers of forest loss.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) faces a 'paradox of plenty,' where immense natural resources coexist with extreme poverty and poor human development indicators. On its current trajectory, the DRC is projected to remain a low-income country with stagnant per capita income and high poverty rates through 2050. Key constraints include endemic corruption, a massive infrastructure deficit in electricity and transport, and a high fertility rate that hinders the demographic dividend. The report models several intervention scenarios, finding that while agricultural improvements offer short-term poverty relief, long-term prosperity depends on structural economic transformation and improved governance. A combined comprehensive scenario suggests that concerted action across governance, infrastructure, human capital, and agriculture could reduce the extreme poverty rate to 9.6% by 2050.

The document identifies agriculture and infrastructure as primary threats to nature, noting that 70% of biodiversity loss and 80% of deforestation are caused by agriculture, while 63% of the world's longest rivers are obstructed by dams. WWF's strategy is organized around four pillars: innovation and influence, conservation of critical landscapes, regenerative and resilient systems, and thriving people and communities. Key initiatives include promoting free-flowing rivers, sustainable protein systems, and reducing global food loss and waste. By 2030, WWF aims to achieve zero land conversion of native habitat in priority landscapes and protect the world's remaining free-flowing rivers.

The document argues that Canada must prioritize climate adaptation through increased public funding, intergovernmental coordination, and enhanced transparency of climate risks to redirect investments toward resilience.

This policy brief by the Climate Policy Initiative and Inter.B analyzes infrastructure planning in Brazil, specifically within the land transport sector. It argues that current processes fail to integrate socio-environmental factors and recommends the introduction of a 'pre-viability' phase to improve project selection and prioritization, alongside a planning strategy that prioritizes sustainable development and the protection of the Amazon.

The document analyzes 'China-powered' agency in the DRC, dividing the period into two phases. From 2007 to 2009, the Kabila regime successfully used the Sicomines agreement to play China and the IMF against each other, securing both infrastructure loans and debt relief. However, from 2010 to 2019, this agency diminished as China shifted toward a more cautious diplomatic approach, prioritizing private investment over state-backed mega-deals and seeking to be viewed as a responsible international actor. The author concludes that such agency is circumscribed and depends entirely on China's own strategic interests.

A survey of 800 registered Michigan voters indicates a majority oppose spending $1.5 trillion to replace the U.S. nuclear arsenal and nearly $100 billion to replace land-based nuclear missiles. Voters expressed a preference for federal spending on cleaning up polluted drinking water, expanding health care, increasing job opportunities, and improving infrastructure. The data shows that women, voters of color, college-educated voters, and those in suburbs near cities are most likely to oppose the nuclear overhaul, with nearly 60% of Black voters in opposition.

A survey of 842 registered Wisconsin voters indicates a majority oppose the estimated $1.5 trillion plan to replace the US nuclear arsenal and the $100 billion plan to replace land-based nuclear missiles. Voters prioritize federal spending on health care, job opportunities, clean drinking water, and infrastructure over nuclear weapons. Opposition is particularly high among younger voters, college graduates, non-White voters, and those in urban areas.

The report contends that mainstream development models, which predict growth through a shift from agriculture to industrial manufacturing, have failed in Africa. It identifies five dynamic trends—climate change, rapid urbanisation, infrastructure deficits, epidemics/pandemics, and lawlessness—that interact to increase instability. These trends are exacerbated by three structural realities: pervasive informality, weak land management, and the proliferation of organised crime, often led by state actors. The authors argue that because the state is frequently compromised by criminal networks, development strategies should move away from state-centric models and instead focus on enhancing the resilience and resource control of local neighbourhoods and communities.

The Canadian Climate Institute asserts that green stimulus plans for economic recovery often overlook climate adaptation. The author argues that proactive investment in resilience—such as upgrading infrastructure to withstand extreme weather and protecting vulnerable populations from heat waves—provides a high rate of return by avoiding future damages. The document suggests that 'shovel-ready' projects should combine low-carbon objectives with resilience, such as using low-carbon materials for climate-hardened infrastructure and integrating nature-based solutions to reduce reliance on traditional 'grey' infrastructure.

The policy brief argues that African governments should leverage the urgency of the COVID-19 crisis to implement lasting reforms that protect the continent's long-term growth trajectory. It outlines ten priorities divided into resource mobilization, governance, business environment, and digital innovation. Key recommendations include closing tax loopholes, streamlining government bureaucracy, improving the ease of doing business, and crowding in venture capital to support a tech-driven innovation ecosystem.

The document examines the legislative process of Brazil's new Concessions Law bill, highlighting gaps in environmental licensing, feasibility studies, and investor liability. It argues that the current draft maintains ambiguity regarding the Preliminary Environmental License and fails to mandate Technical, Economic and Environmental Feasibility Studies (EVTEA) before bidding. The authors recommend that sector regulations define licensing responsibilities to increase predictability, that EVTEA be a prerequisite for greenfield project bidding, and that provisions limiting investor environmental liability be removed to avoid judicial conflict and align with the National Environmental Policy Act.

The document examines the socio-environmental gaps in the proposed new Concessions Law in Brazil, specifically regarding environmental licensing, feasibility studies, and the liability of financiers. It argues that current ambiguities in the bill regarding the Preliminary Environmental License (LP) and the omission of mandatory Technical, Economic, and Environmental Feasibility Studies (EVTEA) increase project risks. Furthermore, it warns that the bill's attempt to limit the civil liability of financiers contradicts current judicial trends and the National Environmental Policy, potentially leading to increased litigation.

The author contends that green stimulus is a useful tool for economic recovery but cannot replace the regulatory and pricing mechanisms necessary for deep emissions reductions. While infrastructure projects can create jobs and increase resilience, the specific nature of the COVID-19 recession—which hit service and education sectors harder than construction—means traditional 'shovel-ready' green projects may not address the root of the current economic crisis. The document emphasizes that climate action often provides economic and health benefits regardless of the economic cycle and warns against the notion that climate policy is only justifiable when linked to a crisis.

The Canadian Climate Institute advocates for moving beyond fragmented, siloed climate research toward an integrated approach. The author argues that narrow framing leads to incomplete solutions and that a systematic approach is essential to manage the transition to a low-carbon economy while ensuring affordability, health, and resilience for Canadians.

The 2020 NYDF Progress Assessment reports that large-scale, top-down infrastructure and extractive projects continue to threaten intact tropical forests with minimal benefit to local communities. Despite the adoption of environmental safeguards by financial institutions and the mobilization of Indigenous peoples, systemic barriers—including limited corporate transparency, slow government implementation of forest policies, and continued financial flows to destructive activities—hinder progress. The report argues that meeting forest and climate goals requires a fundamental economic shift away from exploitation toward alternative development models.

The document argues that while Africa has seen improvements in health indicators, it is falling further behind the rest of the world in average income and economic productivity. It identifies a 'unproductive structure' of economies dominated by low-end services and a slow demographic transition as primary barriers. To ignite a 'growth revolution' by 2040, the author advocates for a 'bottom-up' approach prioritizing basic infrastructure, a reduction in birth rates to achieve a demographic dividend, and the revitalization of the manufacturing sector to support agriculture and high-value services.

The report argues that a solution to the Cyprus problem would significantly boost the island's economy by expanding market access, increasing productivity, and attracting investment. Using sectoral and total factor productivity (TFP) methodologies, the authors project that a settlement could increase the total GDP by between €11 billion and €17.4 billion over 20 years compared to the status quo. Key growth drivers include tourism, construction, shipping, and professional services. The report also emphasizes that maximizing this dividend requires strong inclusive institutions, technical transition periods, and a concerted effort to close the gender gap in the workforce, particularly in the Turkish Cypriot community. Additionally, it assesses the financial viability of property restitution, suggesting that a significant portion of compensation costs could be covered by the increased state revenues generated by the peace dividend.

The report finds that despite the Mnangagwa administration's rhetoric of being 'open for business,' substantial foreign direct investment has not materialised due to a combination of bureaucratic red tape, policy inconsistency, and a lack of respect for property rights. While net FDI rose from US$247 million in 2017 to US$744 million in 2018, this remains far below the US$27 billion in deals signed by the president. The document highlights critical barriers including a 'dead asset' land tenure regime in agriculture, a lack of an independent central bank, and the pervasive influence of the military in the private sector. It concludes that the government's 'command and control' philosophy and the high-risk profile created by US sanctions and a history of bad debt continue to deter international investors.