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The Philippines could avoid approximately PHP 1.7 billion (USD 28 million) in fossil fuel import costs by achieving its target of 9.5 GW of solar capacity by 2030. This analysis comes amid soaring Asian energy prices caused by the Iran war, which has pushed LNG prices up 54.3% since February 2026. The report highlights that the Philippines has some of the highest electricity prices in Asia due to a heavy reliance on imports. While the Philippines is currently fast-tracking renewable energy and battery storage, the report notes that coal and gas generation are still projected to increase by 2030. Comparatively, other ASEAN nations like Indonesia, Thailand, and Vietnam are also implementing clean energy measures to reduce reliance on volatile imported fuels.

In 2025, global coal capacity increased by 3.5% while production fell by 0.6%, as coal is increasingly used as 'system insurance' rather than a primary energy source. This trend is most prominent in China and India, where renewables are meeting new demand despite record coal plant commissioning. Globally, the number of countries proposing new coal plants dropped to 32. In Indonesia, coal expansion continues through 'captive' plants for nickel and aluminium industries, reaching 20 GW, while national energy plans (RUKN and RUPTL) are criticized for maintaining fossil fuel dependency and lacking a clear phase-out roadmap despite official net-zero commitments.

In 2025, global coal capacity increased by 3.5% while production fell by 0.6%, as coal is increasingly used as 'system insurance' rather than a primary energy source. While the number of countries pursuing new coal projects dropped to 32, China and India continue massive expansions. In Indonesia, the growth of captive coal plants for nickel and aluminium processing contradicts national climate commitments, with the RUPTL 2025-2034 continuing to plan for on-grid coal investment despite a formal moratorium.

The document argues that Indonesia's legal framework fails to align with OECD Guidelines on Responsible Business Conduct, specifically regarding the recognition of Indigenous Peoples' land rights and the requirement for free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC). It highlights how 'national strategic projects' and the 'Omnibus Law' facilitate investment at the expense of human rights, often supported by military deployment. The coalition recommends that the OECD demand a timeline for the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Bill, accelerated land recognition, and the cessation of military involvement in development projects.

The report argues that Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate change and requires substantial support from wealthier nations to transition to renewables. It suggests a gradual phasing out of fossil fuels—starting with coal, then oil, and gas beyond 2050—contrasting with more rapid shifts proposed by other bodies. Key barriers identified include the failure of initiatives like JET-Ps to raise sufficient funds, the unfunded status of the loss and damage fund, and geopolitical tensions between the US, China, and the EU. The authors advocate for a differentiated global carbon tax, the operationalization of the Global Loss and Damage Fund, and the enhancement of Africa's role as a global carbon sink to balance economic growth with climate resilience.

The briefing examines the limitations of North-South Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), specifically regarding funding, local ownership, and equity. It proposes South-South cooperation as a complementary approach that leverages peer learning and context-specific solutions to integrate local development needs like energy access and job creation. Using the experiences of South Africa and Colombia, the text identifies specific areas for collaboration, including mine closures and green industrialization, while noting that institutional support and inclusive participation are necessary to achieve transformative development goals.

The report examines a diverse array of transition mechanisms, including Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), national sectoral processes in countries like Germany and Chile, and first-mover alliances such as the Powering Past Coal Alliance. It highlights the necessity of national ownership, structured social dialogue, and blended finance to overcome political gridlock and ensure a just transition. The analysis reveals significant gaps in international support, particularly a shortfall in grants and concessional finance for Global South countries and a lack of coordinated global guidance for designing transition roadmaps.

The document evaluates South Africa's energy transition, arguing that while legal frameworks for renewable investment are expanding, they fail to guarantee structural socio-economic transformation. It identifies critical gaps in industrial policy, where localisation remains fragile due to inconsistent enforcement and import reliance, and in labour policy, where renewable energy jobs are often short-term and lack stability. The report concludes that a just transition requires integrating energy reform with industrial strategy, municipal governance, and labour market policies to avoid 'low-carbon poverty'.

ASEAN requires an estimated US$281 billion annually by 2035 for its energy transition, necessitating a strategic blend of bilateral financing from China, Japan, and the US. While China provides scale and speed through asset-led infrastructure, Japan focuses on system-level upgrades and concessionality, and the US employs blended finance to mobilise private capital. The report argues that ASEAN countries are transitioning from being mere deployment markets to becoming manufacturing hubs for EVs, solar PV, and critical minerals. It recommends that the 2026 ASEAN Summit be used to align these national industrial strategies into coordinated regional value chains to avoid duplication and attract diverse global capital.

Indonesia is experiencing an explosive surge in captive coal power, with total operational and prospective capacity reaching nearly 31 GW. This growth is heavily concentrated in nickel hubs like Central Sulawesi and North Maluku, dwarfing the expansion of the national power grid. The report highlights significant data discrepancies in official JETP mapping and warns that regulatory loopholes in PERPRES 112/2022 allow 'national strategic projects' to bypass coal moratoriums. This trajectory is projected to cause 27,000 additional air pollution-related deaths and USD 20 billion in economic burden, while creating 'sacrifice zones' that risk Indonesia's position in global green supply chains.

Indonesia is experiencing a surge in 'captive' coal-fired power plants—industrial plants not connected to the national grid—which are growing significantly faster than on-grid capacity. Driven largely by nickel smelting in Sulawesi and North Maluku, total operational and prospective captive capacity is projected to reach 31 GW, nearly tripling 2023 levels. The report highlights critical transparency gaps in government and JETP data, regulatory loopholes for National Strategic Projects (PSN), and severe long-term economic and health costs, including an estimated 27,000 additional deaths and USD 20 billion in cumulative economic burdens if these plants are not phased out.

The report examines the challenges of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), noting their tendency to prioritize donor agendas and techno-economic frameworks over local social needs. It proposes South-South cooperation (SSC) as a vital complement to address these gaps through peer learning and context-specific solutions. Using South Africa and Colombia as case studies, the document identifies specific areas for collaboration, including mine closure, green industrialization, and the integration of peace-building experiences into transition planning.

The report examines country platforms (CPs) as vehicles to integrate climate finance with national development goals in emerging economies. It argues that CPs must be country-led and grounded in macro-fiscal analysis to avoid debt vulnerabilities and ensure social inclusivity. Using the South African Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) as a primary example, the document outlines criteria for effectiveness—including whole-of-government approaches and credible project pipelines—and proposes a four-quadrant analytical framework to guide their design. It also highlights the role of philanthropy in funding early-stage technical work and the necessity of overcoming structural path dependencies to achieve genuine economic diversification.

The report identifies seven recurring patterns where international climate support reproduces structural barriers in the Global South, such as prioritising technical infrastructure over social protection and centralising decision-making power. Based on analysis of Chile, Indonesia, Kenya, South Africa, Uganda, and Vietnam, it argues that Just Transition efforts are hindered by labour informality, contested land rights, and a lack of subnational delivery capacity. The framework recommends that the JTWP embed social requirements in finance, strengthen subnational institutions, develop justice-aligned data systems, shift from consultation to co-decision, and address the extractive dynamics of green supply chains.

The document argues that a 'window of opportunity' has opened for Africa due to the convergence of China's domestic push for renewable energy leadership and US-China geopolitical tensions. While the US has retreated from climate leadership and scaled back African assistance, China is pivoting toward 'small is beautiful' project financing and green industrialization as part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and FOCAC commitments. To maximize these opportunities, the brief recommends that African nations implement rigorous strategic planning, professionalize project pipelines, adopt innovative mixed-financing models to reduce sovereign debt, and pursue regional energy integration through frameworks like the Southern African Power Pool.

The report examines the application of JETP Just Transition Standard 9 in Air Buaya and Pasir Putih, Maluku. It identifies risks for diesel plant workers in Air Buaya and severe cold-chain infrastructure gaps in Pasir Putih's tuna fishery. To address these, the authors propose a 'Self-Sustaining Workforce Transition Model' for worker reskilling and a three-phase financing strategy—moving from grants to de-risking instruments—to establish solar-powered cold-chain facilities.

Ember argues that Indonesia's energy transition requires more ambitious emissions targets and a stronger regulatory framework, particularly for the underregulated captive coal sector. The organization recommends integrating JETP investments with long-term economic diversification in coal-dependent provinces to ensure a just transition. Ember also highlights a significant gap in solar deployment, noting that Indonesia reached only 416 MW of on-grid solar capacity last year against a 2025 target of 4.1 GW, and calls for more transparent procurement processes by PLN.

The G20 is characterized as an effective platform for macroeconomic crisis response that consistently fails to address systemic inequities, debt burdens, and environmental degradation. While the forum represents 85% of global GDP, its legitimacy is contested due to the dominance of G7 members and the fact that G20 members provided $1.4tn in explicit fossil-fuel support in 2022. The report notes that recent Global South presidencies (Indonesia, India, Brazil, and South Africa) have shifted priorities toward energy transition financing, digital public infrastructure, taxation of the super-rich, and care economies. The author recommends that the G20 redefine 'crisis' to include human and planetary security and integrate justice metrics into its coordination efforts.

The document evaluates the first decade of the Paris Agreement, arguing that climate finance delivery has been characterized by "incremental promises, contentious negotiations, evolving priorities and an erosion of trust amongst Parties." It highlights a significant investment deficit in Africa, where the region receives only 3% of global climate finance flows despite its high vulnerability. The brief critiques the delayed and contested achievement of the US$100 billion annual goal, the underfunding of adaptation and loss and damage, and the over-reliance on debt-creating loans over grants. It calls for a shift toward public-led, concessional finance and systemic reforms to the global financial architecture to ensure equity and transparency ahead of COP30.

The G20 is assessed as an effective tool for short-term macroeconomic crisis response but a failure in delivering structural economic justice. While it mobilised trillions during the 2008 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, it has consistently prioritised creditor interests and market stability over the needs of the Global South. The report highlights systemic failures in international financial architecture reform, sovereign debt restructuring, and climate finance, where funding remains insufficient and skewed toward profitable mitigation. However, recent Global South presidencies (Indonesia, India, Brazil, and South Africa) have successfully introduced new priorities, such as taxing the super-rich and the care economy. The authors recommend that the G20 redefine 'crisis' to include social and ecological threats and adopt justice-based metrics for success.