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The Government of Ghana formally requested an IMF bailout on July 1, 2022, to address macroeconomic instability and debt sustainability. This decision follows a period of high inflation, significant depreciation of the Ghana cedi, and rising public debt, which the government attributes partly to COVID-19 and the Russia-Ukraine war. The move is contentious due to the current administration's previous commitment to 'home-grown' policies and the 'Ghana Beyond Aid' agenda, as well as public fear of restrictive IMF conditionalities such as public sector employment freezes.

The report argues that green hydrogen is essential for India to decarbonize hard-to-abate sectors like refining and steel, potentially meeting 94% of its 2050 hydrogen demand. It projects that this transition could abate 3.6 gigatons of CO2 and save up to $358 billion in energy imports by 2050, provided that policy supports, industrial clusters, and export markets are developed.

The document examines Algeria's struggle to attract foreign direct investment compared to other middle-income countries, citing regulatory hurdles and the dominance of state-owned enterprises. It notes a shift in investment sources from Europe toward China and Gulf investors, while highlighting the positive impact of remittances on poverty and inequality reduction.

The report concludes that Algeria faces significant economic stagnation due to a bloated bureaucracy, heavy dependence on hydrocarbons, and political instability. It recommends a transition toward a diversified economy, improved education quality, and a shift toward renewable energy to ensure long-term growth and food security.

The We Mean Business Coalition urges G7 leaders to implement policies that scale up renewable energy and phase out fossil fuels. Citing a report by Cambridge Econometrics, the author asserts that such a transition could save G7 households an average of $500 per person annually by 2030 and create millions of global jobs. The statement warns that investing in new fossil fuel infrastructure creates stranded assets and jeopardizes the 1.5C warming limit, calling instead for faster permitting of renewables and workforce reskilling.

The report projects a modest average GDP growth rate of 1.8% for Algeria between 2020 and 2040, which is deemed insufficient to improve livelihoods due to a state-led economic system and heavy dependence on hydrocarbons. It highlights that the country faces critical pressures from climate change, water scarcity, and poor agricultural yields, alongside political instability and regional security threats. The authors argue that Algeria must implement comprehensive social, economic, and governance reforms to diversify its economy and rebuild its social contract.

The report examines Tunisia's transition from a state-led development model under Habib Bourguiba and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali to the post-revolution era. It highlights early successes in gender equality and education, contrasted with later systemic corruption, cronyism, and economic stagnation. Despite the 2010 revolution, the document notes that structural economic reforms remain unfulfilled, with GDP growth slowing from an average of 4.5% (2000-2010) to 2% (2010-2018), and political uncertainty persisting under President Kais Saied.

The study compares the levelised cost of hydrogen (LCOH) for different carriers and transport methods to Rotterdam. It finds that pipeline imports from Norway (2030) and Algeria (2040/2050) offer the lowest LCOH. Among marine carriers, cracked ammonia is the most cost-effective for delivering liberated hydrogen, while uncracked ammonia is the cheapest overall if used directly as fuel. Saudi Arabia is identified as the most economical export location for all marine carriers due to low natural gas prices and favorable construction costs. Carbon emissions are lowest for liquid hydrogen (LH2) among liberated hydrogen chains, but uncracked ammonia is the least carbon-intensive overall. The report also details the technical, safety, and infrastructure challenges associated with each carrier, noting that while ammonia has mature transport infrastructure, large-scale cracking technology is still in development.

The policy brief advocates for the development of floating offshore wind on the U.S. West Coast to meet net-zero emissions goals, noting that it can provide reliable power during peak early evening demand and reduce land-use conflicts. It highlights the economic potential for job creation and port revitalization, specifically citing the Port of Humboldt Bay. The authors call for long-term federal tax credits, port infrastructure investment, proactive transmission planning, and accelerated siting to overcome current lacks in ambition compared to the East Coast.

The report argues that while Europe has significant theoretical CO2 storage capacity, actual deployment is hindered by a funding gap, regulatory barriers to cross-border transport, and a lack of coordinated infrastructure. It recommends shifting from project-based funding to system-based approaches, implementing carbon contracts for difference (CCfDs), and establishing a market for low-carbon products. The authors call for a formal EU strategy to set milestone targets and coordinate the development of large-scale, open-access storage sites beyond the North Sea.

The MENA region is well-positioned to produce zero-carbon fuels due to its abundant solar, wind, and hydrocarbon resources, as well as existing industrial infrastructure. While 'green' hydrogen (from renewables) and 'blue' hydrogen (from natural gas with carbon capture and storage) are both viable, the report argues that hydrocarbon-derived fuels could provide a lower-cost catalytic role in scaling the market. However, significant barriers exist, including a lack of meaningful demand beyond industrial users, the absence of carbon pricing or regulatory requirements to reduce emissions, and a lack of common certification schemes for lifecycle greenhouse gas emissions. The report recommends regional coordination, the development of fuel-neutral procurement policies, and the establishment of comprehensive regulatory frameworks for carbon management to attract investment and ensure environmental integrity.

The report identifies four critical policy challenges in Canada's transition to a net zero electricity system by 2035: misalignment of federal climate policy, lack of coordination among provincial institutions, potential upward pressure on electricity rates, and weak incentives for interregional grid integration. To address these, the authors propose a framework of 'electric federalism' involving strengthened carbon pricing, the implementation of performance standards, and the use of government tax bases to fund infrastructure investments to protect low-income ratepayers. The report emphasizes the need for provincial regulators to have mandates explicitly aligned with climate goals and suggests that the federal government use negotiated agreements—similar to health transfers—to provide financial support conditional on provincial policy reforms.

The report analyzes how Canadian provinces are positioned to navigate the net zero transition, focusing on 'demand-creation' sectors. It identifies a performance gap between the four largest provinces—British Columbia, Quebec, Ontario, and Alberta—which are leading in innovation and investment, and smaller provinces that are just beginning to develop these markets. The document provides five strategic recommendations for provincial and federal governments to build investor confidence, connect innovators with buyers, support rural and Indigenous communities, leverage high-potential companies, and increase R&D investment.

The report analyzes how Canadian provinces are positioned to benefit from the global shift toward a net-zero economy, identifying leaders and laggards in the creation of clean-growth enterprises. It highlights that while Ontario, Quebec, British Columbia, and Alberta lead in company creation and investment, other provinces show varying levels of progress. The document outlines ten promising transition markets—including clean electricity, batteries, and hydrogen—and provides five strategic recommendations for provincial and federal governments to enhance competitiveness, attract private investment, and ensure a just transition for vulnerable rural and Indigenous communities.

The report contends that natural gas expansion in Africa contradicts the Paris Agreement and poses significant economic and environmental risks. It argues that renewable energy is more cost-effective and creates more sustainable employment than the fossil fuel industry. Through case studies of Egypt, Nigeria, and Senegal, the document demonstrates that shifting from gas-based power to high-renewable scenarios would increase job creation and, in the case of Egypt, significantly reduce premature deaths from air pollution. It concludes that developed nations must stop financing fossil fuels and increase climate finance to support Africa's transition to zero-emissions energy systems.

The author contends that Africa's industrialization is hindered by a fragmented policy landscape where countries are often subject to three or more overlapping industrial strategies. This coordination failure, combined with poor infrastructure and low innovation capacity, has led to 'de-industrialisation' in Sub-Saharan Africa, where the industrial sector's contribution to GDP has declined relative to the primary sector. To leverage the AfCFTA, the paper proposes a unified industrial policy focusing on pooled resources for infrastructure, regional product specialization, SME growth, clean energy transitions, and the development of indigenous technologies.

The report examines current and future battery chemistries, including those using indigenous materials like sodium and aluminium, to support India's decarbonization of electricity and transportation. It highlights that domestic manufacturing of common NMC and LFP cells could allow India to capture 40% to 90% of total cell value, benefiting the e-mobility and grid-scale energy storage sectors.

The document examines the rise of Eurobonds as a development financing tool in Africa and the corresponding increase in sovereign credit ratings assigned by Moody's, Fitch, and S&P. It finds that most African countries' ratings have deteriorated since their first assessment, increasing borrowing costs and sometimes forcing governments to prioritize debt repayment over public health and human rights during crises like COVID-19. The authors criticize the 'big three' for their oligopolistic nature, lack of local presence, and use of unsolicited ratings, recommending stricter regulation, better local knowledge, and transparent project-linked borrowing.

The document assesses Tanzania's macroeconomic response to the COVID-19 pandemic, highlighting the use of accommodative monetary and fiscal policies to avoid recession. It recommends strengthening healthcare, implementing macroprudential policies, and prioritizing climate-resilient economic development and social protection for vulnerable groups.

The document examines the rising debt accumulation in Africa since 2010, noting a shift from traditional creditors to emerging economies like China and private bondholders. It analyzes how the 2008 financial crisis and COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated vulnerabilities, and argues that existing relief initiatives like the DSSI and Common Framework are insufficient because they often exclude private creditors and lack binding legal frameworks. The authors advocate for a statutory Sovereign Debt Restructuring mechanism and the adoption of UN-led principles to ensure transparency and fairness.