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The document analyzes the impact of political patronage and 'state capture' on South Africa's public administration, arguing that current 'across-the-board' reform efforts are too hesitant and risky. It proposes empowering the Public Service Commission to lead recruitment planning and selection for senior administrative heads, rolling this out gradually across state organizations to avoid political backlash while entrenching merit-based appointments.

The research argues that nonviolent tactics are relatively more effective only when a movement can mobilize a sufficiently large number of participants, creating a 'mobilization advantage'. Conversely, movements with limited audiences or resources—such as ethnic secessionists or those based in rural peripheries—often find violent tactics more feasible. Using data from NAVCO 2.0, UCDP, and SRDP, the authors demonstrate that nonviolent campaigns typically have much higher participation rates and are more frequent in urbanized non-democracies, while violent conflicts are more common in rural areas and among smaller, territorially focused groups.

The author challenges the view that Sikh martial identity was solely a product of British recruitment or a reaction to Mughal persecution, arguing instead that it emerged from a combination of internal social shifts—such as the entry of Jat peasants—and external political pressures. The text traces the transition from Guru Nanak's peaceful teachings to the militarized Khalsa under Guru Gobind Singh and the subsequent insurgencies led by Banda Bahadur and the Misl confederacies. It further examines how the British 'Martial Race' theory reinforced this identity for strategic imperial goals, a legacy that continues to influence the military composition and political dynamics of modern India and Pakistan.

The research examines nine donor-supported active citizenship programs implemented between 2010 and 2015 in Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, and Tunisia. The authors argue that these programs, primarily funded by the US and Europe, employ a 'neo-liberalization of citizenship' approach that emphasizes formal participation and technical skill-building over political dissent and social mobilization. Through interviews with approximately 250 activists, the study finds a significant gap between the normative, Western-inspired training modules and the actual political constraints in the MENA region, such as secretive decision-making, unreliable judicial systems, and the dominance of informal power networks. The paper concludes that these programs risk bolstering the legitimacy of non-democratic regimes by encouraging tokenistic engagement and disconnecting activists from their local communities.

The study finds no general statistical relationship between forest resources and the onset or duration of civil wars at the national level. While some disaggregated results suggest that proximity to the coast may prolong conflicts in forested zones, the authors conclude that the perceived link between forests and conflict is largely driven by a few specific cases, such as Burma, rather than a global pattern.

The document analyzes the 'East Asian Peace', a significant reduction in battle deaths in East Asia between 1980 and 2005 compared to the 1946–1979 period. The author argues that this peace was not the result of a single event but a series of staggered political transitions across the region. Key drivers identified include a shift in leadership priorities toward export-driven economic growth and a strategic alignment with the United States. The paper contrasts this with the 'European Peace', noting that the East Asian case does not fit the liberal peace model due to a lack of widespread democratization and political integration.

The report argues that countering disinformation requires a shift from merely correcting false claims to building holistic societal resilience. It analyzes the 'psychological defence' model, specifically the Swedish Psychological Defence Agency (MPF), and evaluates Norwegian and European approaches. Key findings suggest that while Norway has high institutional trust, it lacks the centralized coordination seen in Sweden. The authors recommend that Norway strengthen national coordination, clarify conceptual terminology to avoid 'militarizing' social issues, and prioritize strategic, transparent communication to maintain public trust outside of crisis periods.

The authors examine the methodological debate surrounding the use of mosques as recruiting grounds for research on Muslims in Europe. While acknowledging critiques regarding sampling bias and the 'lived religion' perspective, they argue that terms like 'organized' or 'member' are too imprecise to invalidate mosque-based sampling. Using the FINEX project in the Nordic countries as a case study, they suggest that the 'technologization' of mosques (via social media and email) and their institutional role in European societies actually increase their utility as research entry points. They recommend a stratified approach to sampling and the separation of recruitment from the actual data collection environment to ensure ecological validity.

The author argues that while Pope Francis avoids the term 'just war' due to its historical misuse and the destructive nature of modern weaponry, he does not formally abolish the underlying doctrine. The text compares the Thomistic view of peace as a fruit of charity with Francis's emphasis on universal fraternity, concluding that the Pope's reservations are primarily about the terminology and the high threshold for proportionality in the nuclear age, rather than a total rejection of the right to legitimate defense.

The study introduces the SEAP dataset, covering missions by the UN, NATO, ECOWAS, and the African Union from 1999 to 2010. Through multivariate logit regression, the authors identify that larger mission sizes and a history of extensive sexual violence in the host country's preceding conflict are the most robust predictors of reported SEA. Other significant factors include lower economic development in host countries and a general increase in reporting after 2005, likely due to heightened international focus following the 2005 Zeid report.

The author replicates and extends the civil war model of Collier & Hoeffler (2002), finding that while natural resources correlate with conflict, the drivers differ by region. In the Middle East, the 'greed' explanation—where rebels fight to seize resources—is less plausible than a 'rentier-state' model, where oil-funded authoritarianism, corruption, and slow growth generate grievances. The study also finds that democracy is significantly and negatively related to civil conflict, a finding absent in the original Collier & Hoeffler analysis.

The research examines why self-determination groups adopt different strategies to achieve greater self-rule. By analyzing 146 groups across 77 states from 1960 to 2005, the author finds that while some factors like economic discrimination and independence demands increase the likelihood of both non-violent and violent irregular politics, others—such as group size and internal fragmentation—differentially drive groups toward either civil war or non-violent campaigns.

The report finds a significant imbalance in energy financing among the 65 largest global banks, with a ratio of 0.42:1 in favor of fossil fuels over sustainable power supply between 2021 and 2024. This is far below the 6:1 ratio by 2030 recommended by the IEA's Net Zero Emissions scenario. While European banks show slightly better ratios, financing for sustainable power remains heavily concentrated in OECD countries and China, leaving emerging markets underfunded. The report also criticizes banks for using 'blurry' targets and problematic technologies like CCUS and bioenergy to inflate their green credentials.

The report identifies a significant disparity in electric productivity (GDP per kWh) across U.S. states. After normalizing for climate and economic composition, RMI finds a remaining gap of 1.2 million GWh annually. Closing this gap could reduce projected 2020 electricity demand by 34% compared to business-as-usual scenarios while maintaining economic growth.

The paper investigates whether advanced composite bodies-in-white (BIW) can be affordable for mass production, using the GM Ultralite as a case study. It employs Technical Cost Modeling to compare a composite monocoque with a steel unibody across manufacturing, operation, and post-use phases. The analysis finds that while material costs for carbon fiber are high, they can be offset by significantly lower tooling and equipment costs, especially when using 'soft' composite tooling and rapid-curing technologies. The study concludes that composite BIWs can be cost-competitive with steel at carbon-fiber prices around $11/kg ($5/lb) with modest mass reductions, and are already more competitive in total lifecycle costs at production volumes below 75,000 units per year.

This policy brief examines local skill development and knowledge transfer within Ghana's construction sector, specifically comparing the practices of Chinese enterprises against other foreign and local firms. Based on 2016 survey data from 12 enterprises and 240 employees, the study finds that Chinese firms contribute significantly to local job creation and skill development, challenging perceptions that they rely primarily on imported labor. The authors identify systemic challenges such as low technical education quality and high labor turnover, recommending stronger collaboration between the industry and vocational institutions, and the integration of training requirements into project contracts.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) developed the Climate Change and Economic Vulnerability Index (CEVI) and the Climate Change and Economic Resilience Index (CERI) to address the misalignment of climate finance. Using data from 160 countries, the indices reveal that low-income economies, particularly in Africa, face the highest vulnerability and lowest resilience. An analysis of 2021 OECD adaptation finance flows shows that funds are often misallocated, with more resilient and less vulnerable countries sometimes receiving higher per-person funding than those in the most critical need. The paper recommends that international financial institutions mainstream these indices to ensure needs-based allocation of climate support.

The report evaluates the fiscal responses of six African nations to the COVID-19 pandemic through a climate lens, categorising policies as green, red (unfriendly), or grey (neutral). It finds that most stimulus packages were climate neutral, with Nigeria being the only country to implement an overall green package. In contrast, Uganda's response was deemed 'red' due to investments in carbon-intensive industrial parks, and South Africa's package was neutral despite its high emissions profile. The author argues that green spending is more effective for job creation than fossil fuel investments and recommends that African governments utilise Pigouvian taxes and green financing to achieve a sustainable economic recovery.

The document examines South Africa's attempt to frame its economic and trade policies within the concept of a 'developmental state,' drawing comparisons with the 'Asian Tigers.' It argues that South Africa's unique socio-political context—specifically its status as a pluralistic democracy and the legacy of apartheid—makes the direct transplantation of authoritarian Asian models impossible. The author highlights tensions within the ruling ANC alliance between pro-poor transformative goals and the need for market-oriented growth and foreign investment. The paper traces the evolution of economic strategy from the early 1990s macroeconomic stabilization (GEAR) to a more recent focus on micro-economic efficiency and industrial policy (ASGI-SA and NIPF). It concludes that South Africa must develop a unique model that combines development with democracy, focusing on human capital, infrastructure, and a professionalized bureaucracy rather than a state-centric, authoritarian approach.

The document analyzes the macroeconomic resilience of Uganda and Rwanda between 2000 and 2020, identifying five shared crisis periods triggered by exogenous shocks such as the global financial crisis, climate events, and the COVID-19 pandemic. It examines how these shocks transmitted through the economies—affecting export growth, inflation, and capital formation—and highlights the specific vulnerabilities of both nations, including reliance on foreign aid and agricultural productivity. The authors recommend increasing capital inflows, improving domestic revenue mobilization, enhancing agricultural productivity, and operationalizing climate change adaptation strategies to build future resilience.