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The report finds that despite the Mnangagwa administration's rhetoric of being 'open for business,' substantial foreign direct investment has not materialised due to a combination of bureaucratic red tape, policy inconsistency, and a lack of respect for property rights. While net FDI rose from US$247 million in 2017 to US$744 million in 2018, this remains far below the US$27 billion in deals signed by the president. The document highlights critical barriers including a 'dead asset' land tenure regime in agriculture, a lack of an independent central bank, and the pervasive influence of the military in the private sector. It concludes that the government's 'command and control' philosophy and the high-risk profile created by US sanctions and a history of bad debt continue to deter international investors.

The report analyzes the fragile political alliance between President Felix Tshisekedi's CACH coalition and former President Joseph Kabila's FCC, which dominates the DRC's parliament. It identifies key priorities for the 2019–2023 period, including reforming the CENI and Constitutional Court, addressing socio-economic needs, and stabilizing the eastern DRC. The author presents several scenarios ranging from a best-case transition to democracy to a fragmentation and chaos scenario, while emphasizing the role of the international community and regional neighbors in supporting transformational change.

The report examines the overlapping claims of Somaliland and Puntland to the Sool and Sanaag regions, highlighting how colonial legacies and clan identities create divergent visions of administration. It details recent military clashes in Tukaraq and the militarisation of Sanaag, while noting that economic and social ties persist despite political tensions. The author argues that a durable solution requires consulting local populations and moving beyond identity-based power-sharing.

The report attributes the rise in Ethiopia's ethnic violence, particularly since 2018, to a self-reinforcing cycle of contending ethno-nationalisms and institutional fragility. It argues that the centralized ethno-federal system created paradoxes of empowerment and disempowerment, while the ruling party (EPRDF) became fractured along ethnic lines. The author identifies 'security dilemmas'—where groups arm themselves for protection, thereby increasing the insecurity of others—as a micro-level driver of conflict. The report recommends internal party negotiations, a broad national dialogue to reconstitute the state, professionalization of security forces, and urgent job creation for youth to address economic grievances.

The report finds that South Sudanese citizens have very low awareness of the transitional justice mechanisms outlined in the 2015 peace agreement, with many viewing transitional justice through the lens of either customary law or retributive justice. While 60% of respondents prioritize the Commission for Truth Reconciliation and Healing (CTRH), there is significant skepticism regarding the political will of the government to implement these processes, as many current leaders were involved in the violations. The study highlights a tension between the government's narrative that judicial accountability is a foreign agenda and the victims' desire for justice, while recommending a more inclusive, victim-centered, and gender-sensitive approach to implementation.

The document is a collection of scholarly essays celebrating the career of Professor Maxi Schoeman. It examines her theoretical work in constructivism and human security, her critiques of South African foreign policy from the Mandela era through the Zuma administration, and her analysis of the South African National Defence Force's role in regional peacekeeping. The text highlights the tension between South Africa's constitutional human rights values and its pragmatic, often contradictory, international engagements.

The report examines the risks of increased arms sales to Africa, the fragile peace negotiations in Sudan and Mozambique, and the role of the AfCFTA in addressing structural drivers of conflict. It also critiques the AU Peace and Security Council for its lack of meeting records and discusses security threats in the Sahel.

The report identifies colonial history, border changes, and poor civil registry systems as primary drivers of statelessness in Southern Africa. It warns that some states are increasingly using the deprivation of nationality as a tool for migration management and political exclusion. The document highlights the critical role of birth registration and the persistence of gender discrimination in nationality laws, while detailing case studies from Zimbabwe, South Africa, Madagascar, and Angola to illustrate these systemic failures.

The report assesses how the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) and the Public Protector in South Africa have been affected by political interference. It argues that while these bodies are designed for impartiality, presidential appointment powers and the selection of politically aligned leaders have frequently compromised their independence. The NPA is described as having a 'tumultuous existence' due to executive pressure, while the Public Protector's effectiveness is noted to depend heavily on the individual incumbent, ranging from the highly regarded Thuli Madonsela to the court-criticized Busisiwe Mkhwebane. The author recommends constraining presidential discretion in appointments, introducing separate budgets for the NPA, and involving civil society in recruitment to bolster institutional integrity.

The 1969 OAU Refugee Convention has been ratified by 47 of 55 AU member states and is credited with expanding the legal definition of a refugee to include those fleeing external aggression or public order disturbances. Despite its wide domestication, implementation is hindered by xenophobia, security concerns, and declining international funding. The report argues that the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) and its Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) can reinforce the Convention by promoting responsibility sharing, regional approaches, and socio-economic inclusion of refugees.

The report analyzes the rise of an insurgency in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, attributing it to long-term government neglect, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion. It details the group's evolution from targeting security installations to committing atrocities against civilians, while criticizing the government's 'extrajudicial state of emergency' and human rights violations.

The report assesses Ethiopia's development path to 2040, highlighting a tension between rapid GDP growth and lagging human development indicators. While the country has seen significant improvements in health and agricultural yields, it faces critical bottlenecks in primary education completion, basic infrastructure (WASH), and gender equality. The analysis warns that political liberalisation may create short-term instability due to ethnic factionalism and an 'anocratic' regime type. The report contrasts a positive 'Abiynomics' scenario, driven by targeted investments in human capital and governance, with a 'Dark Days' scenario characterized by political regression and economic decline.

The report details the systemic corruption in South Africa known as 'state capture,' focusing on the influence of the Gupta family over the administration of former President Jacob Zuma. It describes the manipulation of cabinet appointments, the hollowing out of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and the use of political connections to secure lucrative state contracts. The document assesses the role of the Zondo Commission and the Public Protector in uncovering these activities and emphasizes the necessity of prosecutions to restore public trust in democratic institutions.

The report examines South Africa's historical and recent involvement in Burundi, highlighting a transition from significant military and diplomatic leadership during the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement to a more peripheral role following Burundi's 2015 political crisis. While South Africa has provided tangible support in electoral capacity building and civil service training, the report finds that bilateral agreements have been implemented in a fragmented manner. It emphasizes the value of 'citizen diplomacy' through civil society and academic exchanges, particularly in supporting Burundi's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The authors argue that South Africa should leverage its remaining political capital and technical expertise through a holistic strategy that navigates complex regional dynamics involving the East African Community (EAC) and the International Conference for the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR).

The Red Sea is a complex geopolitical environment characterized by state-to-state rivalries, external military presence, and a perceived gap in maritime management. While shipping has remained largely undisrupted, threats persist from the war in Yemen, piracy, and violent extremist organizations. The report argues that existing regional organizations like IGAD and the AU have limited mandates or internal challenges, suggesting that new cooperative mechanisms should start with narrow mandates, prioritize information sharing, and include all relevant littoral and non-littoral stakeholders to avoid duplication and respect national sovereignty.

The August 2019 Peace & Security Council Report examines the African Union's (AU) struggle to define 'unconstitutional changes of government' in the context of popular uprisings in Algeria and Sudan. It highlights the risks of increasing foreign military presence, particularly in the Horn of Africa, and the resulting rivalry between global powers like the US and China. The report also advocates for the inclusion of women in Sudan's peace process and warns of potential political instability in Côte d’Ivoire ahead of the 2020 elections. Finally, it discusses the limited access civil society organizations have to AU and regional economic community structures.

The report analyzes Zimbabwe's trajectory to 2040, warning that the 'Current Path' of state-centric governance and economic instability will lead to persistent poverty and food insecurity. It contrasts this with the 'Great Zimbabwe' scenario, where pro-growth policies, transferable land titles, and expanded irrigation could significantly boost GDP and reduce undernourishment. Conversely, the 'Things Fall Apart' scenario predicts a decline into internal conflict and severe humanitarian deterioration if political accountability is not established. Key recommendations emphasize rehabilitating irrigation, improving democratic accountability, and partnering with the IMF to stabilize the economy.

The report examines the potential of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to drive long-term GDP growth and poverty reduction by 2050, while noting that immediate gains will come from manufacturing and technology leapfrogging. It details the AU's suspension of Sudan following the military junta's crackdown on protestors and warns of risks including civil war and external influence from Gulf powers. The document highlights a democratic setback in Africa, where incumbents use constitutional amendments and electoral law changes to maintain power, citing Benin as a key example. It reviews AU peace support operations (PSOs) in Somalia and Darfur, arguing that military action must be paired with political solutions and questioning the neutrality of deploying neighbouring states. Finally, it discusses the AU-UN partnership, emphasizing the need for UN Security Council reform and sustainable financing for AU-led operations.

Between 2016 and 2019, irregular migration from North Africa to Europe increased, characterized by a shift toward direct departures from home countries and a diversifying migrant demographic that now includes more women, children, and university graduates. The report identifies economic pessimism, structural inequality, and political exclusion as primary drivers, further amplified by a social media ecosystem that romanticizes Europe and provides practical smuggling advice. While European states prioritize border hardening, the report argues that such securitized approaches ignore underlying causes and may destabilize North African governments, which view migration as a social safety valve. It recommends transitioning from short-term technical fixes to comprehensive strategic programs addressing the rule of law and structural inequality.

The report examines the complex relationship between the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), specifically the application of 'subsidiarity'—the principle that regional structures should lead in their own jurisdictions. It highlights systemic failures in North Africa due to the inactivity of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), tensions between the AU and SADC over elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the AU's successful re-assumption of leadership in the Central African Republic. The document also notes the East African Community's (EAC) internal trade disputes, ECOWAS's struggle to adapt to violent extremism in the Sahel, and the general lack of civil society engagement within the AU and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).