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The document identifies infrastructure, human settlements, and mining as the primary non-agricultural drivers of deforestation, while logging is the main driver of forest degradation. Due to a lack of disaggregated global data, the report does not define quantitative indicators but instead reviews public policy interventions and private sector sustainability initiatives. Key public measures include import bans on illegal timber in the US, EU, and Australia, and the use of Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) and Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs) for infrastructure. Private sector efforts are highlighted through forest certification schemes like FSC and PEFC, though their global impact remains limited, and emerging responsible mining initiatives like IRMA and the Oro Verde Program in Colombia.

The program targets the global supply chains of palm oil, soy, and beef, which are identified as primary drivers of approximately 80% of worldwide deforestation. It employs a 'whole of supply chain' theory of change, arguing that deforestation can be eliminated if production is localized in the right areas (avoiding natural forests) and follows sustainable practices. The program is structured into four child projects: Support to Production, Generating Responsible Demand, Enable Transactions, and Adaptive Management and Learning. Key geographic focuses include the Amazon and Cerrado in Brazil, the Chaco in Paraguay, and palm oil production in Indonesia and Liberia. The program seeks to leverage a total cost of $443.2 million, including $40.3 million from the GEF Trust Fund, to shift the market from voluntary niche sustainability to a mainstream norm.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) analyzed 40 major US brands across the packaged food, personal care, fast food, and store-brand sectors to assess their palm oil sustainability commitments. While 21 of 30 companies previously scored in 2014 improved their practices, the report finds a wide disparity in leadership, with the packaged food sector leading and the fast food sector performing the worst. Despite an increase in corporate pledges, 32 of 40 companies lack adequate commitments to ensure transparency and traceability in their supply chains, and none of the 40 companies are currently sourcing 100 percent deforestation-free and peat-free palm oil.

The document details the vulnerability of agricultural and forest products to climate change, noting significant potential losses in cocoa, coffee, cotton, and wine production, as well as specific environmental pressures on flower exports from Kenya and silk production in India.

The briefing examines the precarious state of elections in West Africa in 2015, highlighting how insurgency in Nigeria, constitutional disputes in Togo, electoral list controversies in Benin, fragile security in Côte d’Ivoire, funding gaps in Burkina Faso, and the Ebola crisis in Guinea threaten the legitimacy and stability of the democratic process.

The document assesses the capacity of SADC to implement post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD), arguing that the organisation is currently constrained by a state-centric security model and structural silos. It examines South Africa's role as a regional power, noting that while South Africa has significant capacity, its efforts are often hindered by perceptions of hegemony and inconsistent diplomacy. By comparing SADC with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the paper highlights the benefits of a human-security approach and suggests that South Africa should move from bilateral to multilateral PCRD implementation via SADC and the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA).

The document analyzes how climate change increases the risk of food price shocks through both direct impacts on domestic harvests and indirect impacts via global commodity markets. It argues that while many import-dependent countries, such as Senegal, pursue self-sufficiency in staples like rice to avoid international volatility, this approach can create 'rice risk lock-in' by increasing exposure to domestic climate shocks and reducing agricultural diversity. The authors recommend a balanced strategy of diversifying food sources, diets, and import origins to build climate resilience.

The report establishes a framework for assessing the positive societal impacts of crisis management (CM) tools, specifically for the DRIVER project. It defines societal resilience as a multi-dimensional concept encompassing technical, political, psychological, and value-based dimensions. By reviewing 23 policy documents from the UN, EU, and IFRC, the report identifies core societal values—such as trust, solidarity, and participation—that should guide CM interventions. It proposes a consolidated list of assessment criteria (e.g., accountability, diversity, and transparency) to ensure CM tools foster rather than infringe upon societal values. The document concludes with general recommendations for positive intervention, emphasizing people-centered, bottom-up approaches and the importance of international cooperation and legal frameworks in building resilience.

The document examines the political vacuum created by the departure of Blaise Compaoré, who served as both a mediator and a source of instability in West Africa for 27 years. It analyzes his specific influence in Togo, Côte d’Ivoire, and Mali, as well as his role in negotiating the release of Western hostages from Islamist groups in the Sahel. The author suggests that while no single leader can replace Compaoré's personal networks, his exit provides an opportunity for ECOWAS to strengthen its institutional conflict resolution mechanisms.

The document analyzes the 'vertical' healthcare approach favored by Western nations—which targets specific diseases—versus the 'horizontal' approach traditionally used by China, which focuses on infrastructure and integrated systems. While both provided short-term emergency aid during the Ebola crisis, the author argues that China's long-term strategy of building healthcare infrastructure is more sustainable for African states. The brief suggests that an ideal response combines both systems and calls for increased cooperation between China and the West, alongside regular UN Security Council meetings on public health, to strengthen global health security.

The policy brief argues that Nigeria is experiencing a self-inflicted decline in its diplomatic standing within Africa. Despite being the continent's nominally largest economy as of May 2014, Nigeria's foreign policy is described as inchoate and ambiguous, hampered by a 'perverse hiatus' between its domestic ecology—marked by corruption and the Boko Haram insurgency—and its international ambitions. The author contends that Nigeria has lost its pre-eminence in Africa, failing to command respect even within ECOWAS and falling behind South Africa in governance and infrastructure. The document recommends that Nigeria prioritize domestic stability, clean government, and a recomposed social contract to restore its leadership role.

The paper examines electoral management in Benin, Cape Verde, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, and Sierra Leone, highlighting a trend toward independent or hybrid EMB models. It identifies critical challenges including the high cost of elections, executive interference in appointments and tenure, and the complexities of electoral dispute adjudication. The author argues that the effectiveness of EMBs is often undermined by a political culture of impunity and zero-sum politics, despite formal legal guarantees of independence.

The research examines the potential for a 'resource curse' in four African nations soon to become oil-dependent. Using a game-theoretic model and the concept of 'limited access orders,' the author argues that oil rents typically disrupt political incentives, undermining economic performance and potentially destabilizing the state. While Ghana is identified as a potential exception due to its robust democracy and lower projected oil-to-tax revenue ratio, the other cases show higher risks of repression or predatory behavior. The paper concludes that radical policy interventions like 'cash-to-citizen' transfers are implausible because they ignore the domestic political equilibria and patronage networks that maintain stability.

The document examines the governance of African fisheries, highlighting the tension between wealth generation and the 'welfare function' of small-scale fisheries. It identifies illegal, unregulated, and unreported (IUU) fishing as a major threat, particularly in West Africa, and discusses the transition from centralised governance to co-management systems. While progress is noted in the use of satellite tracking and regional cooperation to combat industrial overfishing, the document emphasizes the need for sustainable, independent co-management structures to protect livelihoods and ecosystems.

The briefing examines Senegal's vulnerability to religious radicalism following the crisis in Mali. It challenges the common perception that Sufi brotherhoods provide total immunity against extremism, highlighting risks such as youth unemployment, a dual education system, and the influence of Wahhabite and jihadist Salafism. The authors argue that the Senegalese government has not fully integrated the religious dimension into its security policy and recommends reforms to the educational system and increased regional intelligence cooperation.

The 2013 Climate Knowledge Brokers (CKB) workshop brought together 35 participants from 17 organisations to enhance the sharing of climate and development information. The event focused on evaluating seven collaborative projects, sharing lessons on user engagement and internet marketing, and discussing the future governance and funding of the CKB Group. Key technical outputs highlighted include the reegle Tagging API and the Knowledge Navigator widget, both designed to reduce information duplication and improve content discoverability. Participants identified a critical need to move beyond 'one way communication' and better integrate local and indigenous knowledge to reach diverse stakeholders in developing countries.

The document argues that Internet policy must move beyond technical management to include broad societal impacts on rights, security, and sustainable development. It advocates for a multistakeholder model involving government, the private sector, civil society, and academia to ensure legitimacy and effectiveness. The toolkit details eight specific tools—ranging from expert roundtables and policy mapping to online surveys and public forums—designed to generate evidence and foster public consent. It emphasizes 'adaptive policy making' and the principle of subsidiarity, suggesting that policy action should occur at the lowest jurisdictional level consistent with effectiveness.

The document examines Nigeria's energy subsidy regime, focusing on Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), household kerosene (hhK), and electricity. It highlights the immense fiscal burden on the government, with fuel subsidies alone estimated at over ₦2 trillion in 2011. The guide argues that these universal subsidies disproportionately benefit higher-income earners and are plagued by systemic corruption, such as inflated import claims and the diversion of kerosene to black markets. It also notes that under-pricing of energy has stifled investment in refining and power infrastructure, leading to high reliance on private generators and significant gas flaring. The document outlines the government's transition toward cost-reflective electricity tariffs via the Multi-Year Tariff Order (MYTO) and the attempted removal of gasoline subsidies through the SURE-P program, while providing international lessons on gradual price liberalization and targeted social compensation.

The report examines the ICT and Internet policy landscape in Togo, highlighting a history of political instability that hindered early policy development. Through surveys and workshops, it identifies critical needs for affordable broadband, cyber security laws, and inclusive multistakeholder dialogue. It argues that the Internet can drive sustainable development in Togo's phosphate and agriculture sectors if supported by proactive government coordination and private sector investment.

The document details a May 2012 meeting in Nairobi involving 19 researchers and practitioners to address the dominance of Northern perspectives in gender, peace and security (GPS) scholarship. Participants identified critical gaps in current research, such as the lack of evidence-based homegrown data and the failure to address structural causes of insecurity. The session concluded with the proposal to establish a pan-African think-tank to generate scientific knowledge and alternative narratives that reflect African experiences and agency, moving beyond 'women as victims' discourses.