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The statement by Friends of the Earth International criticizes the proposed EU-Mercosur trade agreement, highlighting its potential to accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in both Europe and Latin America. It calls for a shift toward a people-centered trade model that prioritizes social rights and environmental sustainability over corporate profit, especially in light of the rise of climate-denying leadership in Argentina.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the EU-Mercosur trade agreement, asserting that it would accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in Europe and Latin America. The statement highlights protests from European farmers and social movements in Latin America, and warns that the current administration in Argentina, led by climate-denier Javier Milei, further invalidates the agreement's sustainability claims. It calls for a shift in international trade policy toward a model centered on people's sovereignty, food security, and environmental protection.

The briefing examines the role of carbon capture and storage (CCS), noting that the majority of the world's 41 operational projects are linked to the oil and gas industry, specifically for enhanced oil recovery (EOR). It highlights a history of 'unmet expectations' and slow deployment, with capture rates often falling short of targets. While CCS is proposed for hard-to-abate sectors like cement and steel, the document argues it is often less cost-effective than electrification or energy efficiency. It further details how CCS projects in Norway, Canada, and Australia have been used to maintain the financial viability of fossil fuel extraction.

The report provides a detailed market assessment of the refining industry in four key regions, analyzing the transition from traditional crude-based products to low-carbon alternatives like SAF, green ammonia, and e-methanol, while evaluating the impact of regional climate policies.

The document argues that while COP28 increased ambition through technology inclusivity and pledges to scale renewables and nuclear energy, the transition now depends on effective financing and planning amidst significant geopolitical instability. It highlights that 2024 is a critical year due to widespread democratic elections and rising trade protectionism, which may prioritize domestic security over climate action. Looking toward COP29 in Baku, the authors expect a focus on the new collective quantified goal on climate finance (NCQG), the phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies, and the need for more realistic macroeconomic modeling to address a global climate financing gap estimated between $4.5 to $10 trillion per year. The text suggests that because multilateral consensus is increasingly difficult, progress will likely shift toward regional climate weeks and bi- or trilateral partnerships.

The author contends that current climate policies are failing because they lack redistributive measures and ignore carbon inequalities, which in turn fuels right-wing populism. The text proposes a 'third way' based on post-growth economics and a 'green-red alliance' that integrates social justice with environmental goals. A central practical solution highlighted is the promotion of energy communities—non-profit entities that democratize energy production and provide affordable, clean energy to vulnerable households. The document calls for a radical acceleration of emission reductions, aiming for carbon neutrality by the mid-2030s and a negative carbon balance by the 2040s, funded by taxing high polluters and redirecting fossil fuel subsidies.

The document analyzes COP 28 outcomes for Africa, noting a gap between high-level agreements and the actual financial resources provided for adaptation and loss and damage. While it highlights the historic agreement to transition away from fossil fuels and new food system initiatives, it argues that the scale of funding remains insufficient for Africa's urgent needs.

The IPAG-3 meeting focused on improving direct access to GCF funding for Indigenous Peoples, integrating indigenous knowledge into climate risk assessments, and ensuring the GCF Indigenous Peoples Policy is strictly applied in project proposals. Key outcomes include a commitment to a 2024 global structured dialogue on Indigenous Peoples, advice on staffing potential GCF regional offices with internal expertise rather than consultants, and requests for the Independent Redress Mechanism to build capacity for Indigenous Peoples on grievance mechanisms.

The author argues that the UK's 24 GW nuclear target by 2050 is unrealistic. Key barriers include the long lead times for nuclear projects (typically 15-20 years), the lack of mature, commercially available reactor technologies, and the difficulty of securing private investment for high-cost projects. The document highlights the failure of the EPR-1 design and the financial risks shifted to consumers under the Regulated Asset Base (RAB) model. It concludes that nuclear power is too slow and expensive to contribute meaningfully to the UK's electricity decarbonisation goals of 2030 or 2035.

Clean Creatives claims the Edelman Trust Barometer is compromised by the firm's ties to climate deniers and autocratic states, alleging that the data overstates trust in governments that are Edelman clients and contradicts the firm's public climate commitments.

Turkey has expanded its influence in sub-Saharan Africa by leveraging a combination of humanitarian diplomacy, shared religious identity, and an anti-colonial narrative to establish soft power, which has subsequently paved the way for hard power interests. A key pillar of this strategy is the relationship with Somalia, recently solidified by a 10-year Defence and Economic Co-operation Framework Agreement granting Turkey authority over the management and defence of Somali waters. While Turkey positions itself as an alternative to Western powers, it faces competition from other middle powers like the UAE, Qatar, and Egypt. The document notes that Turkey's future engagement will be heavily influenced by its domestic economic crisis, potentially shifting priority toward high-yield economic activities such as defence exports and construction contracts over humanitarian aid.

The report argues that COP28 failed to uphold human rights and was subject to corporate capture, resulting in insufficient outcomes on fossil fuel phaseouts and the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Fund.

The F-List 2024 documents 1,010 fossil fuel contracts held by 590 advertising and PR agencies during 2023-2024. It highlights the role of major holding companies in sustaining the fossil fuel industry's public image and lobbying efforts, while noting a growing trend of agencies rejecting such clients due to talent retention risks and environmental concerns.

The Global Climate and Health Alliance presents a framework for COP29 to translate the COP28 UAE Declaration on Climate and Health into concrete outcomes. The report argues that climate change undermines global health progress and calls for a fast, funded phase-out of fossil fuels, the adoption of a New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) for climate finance, and the integration of health targets into Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). It emphasizes the need for holistic adaptation, the capitalization of the Loss and Damage Fund to address health needs, and the protection of UNFCCC policymaking from the influence of polluting industries.

The report analyzes the current state of transatlantic industrial decarbonization policies, identifying a significant divergence between the EU's regulatory-led approach and the US's subsidy-driven model. It argues that while high-level negotiations on carbon pricing (such as GASSA) have stalled, there is substantial opportunity for cooperation through 'softer' market functions, including R&D, green public procurement, and the harmonization of technical standards. The document provides a detailed SWOT analysis of various policy instruments and technology-specific areas, recommending the creation of dedicated dialogue platforms and innovation hubs to foster a globally interoperable clean economy.

Carbon Market Watch (CMW) reports an estimated 2024 GHG footprint of 39.37 tCO2eq, overshooting its retrospective annual target of 22.61 tCO2eq by 74%. The organization's emissions increased from 34.03 tCO2eq in 2023, primarily due to aviation. Scope 2 emissions, largely from remote work and office energy, are the largest source, while aviation is the second largest. CMW has fully implemented several operational policies regarding ground travel, catering, and sustainable procurement, and maintains an internal carbon levy that raised 3,543 in 2024 to support climate advocacy in the global south.

The document analyzes Africa's role and priorities within the UNFCCC COP process, specifically focusing on the transition from COP27 to COP28 and looking ahead to COP29. It highlights the continent's success in establishing the Loss and Damage Fund and launching voluntary initiatives like the Africa Carbon Markets Initiative, while warning that climate finance remains severely constrained and dominated by loans rather than grants. The brief argues that Africa must shift from a reactive to a proactive approach, integrating gender perspectives and climate-peace-security policies, while balancing the need for energy access with a just transition to low-carbon energy.

GreenLatinos boycotted COP28 due to the appointment of a state-owned oil company CEO as summit president and the hosting of the event in the United Arab Emirates, a top oil producer. The organization argues that the presence of nearly 2,500 fossil fuel lobbyists and the UAE's history of methane emission misinformation compromised the conference's integrity. While acknowledging the agreement to "transition away" from fossil fuels and the US announcement of Methane Oil and Gas rules, GreenLatinos maintains that the COP28 outcome falls short of a complete fossil fuel phase-out required to protect frontline communities.

The briefing details a coordinated effort by the fossil fuel industry, OPEC, and the UAE to derail fossil fuel phase-out efforts at COP28 through greenwashing, the promotion of unproven technologies like CCS, and the use of fake social media accounts and lobbyists. It highlights how these tactics influenced the Global Stocktake text to avoid direct calls for a phase-out, instead emphasizing 'zero and low emissions technologies'.

The author contends that current climate policies often fail because they do not address carbon inequalities or provide immediate economic relief, making them vulnerable to far-right populist rhetoric. The text proposes a 'post-growth' approach that prioritizes human well-being over profit and advocates for a 'militant' green-red alliance. A central practical solution highlighted is the use of energy communities—not-for-profit entities that allow citizens and municipalities to co-own renewable energy projects—to democratize energy production and reduce costs for vulnerable households. The author calls for the redirection of fossil fuel subsidies toward clean heating and the implementation of structural investments in deep renovations and electric mobility to prevent regressive social effects from policies like the expanded Emissions Trading System.